A HISTORY OF ECxYPT
VOL. II.
THE XVIlTH AND XVIIIxH DYNASTIES
This Hisiofy will comprise Seven Volumes:
Vol. I. Dynasties I.-XVI. By W. M. F. PETRIE
Vol. II. XVII.-XVIII. By W. M. F. PETRIE
Vol. III. IV. XVIII.-XXX. By W. M. F, PETRIE
Vol. IV, Ptolemaic Egypt.
Vol. V. Roman Egypt. By J. G. MILNE
Vol. VI. Arabic Egypt. By STANLEY LANE POOLE
PREFACE
* * *
THE present volume of the history of Egypt comprises
only a short period of a few centuries ; but a period
which is more full of material than any other age
of Egypt. The foreign wars, the contact with other
nations, the architectural activity, the luxury and
brilliance of this cycle, all render it the most attractive
in the long history of the country.
The present statement of the material is therefore on
a far larger scale than in the previous volume ; the
standard of leaving no fact or monument referring to
the regal history unnoticed, having been maintained
throughout.
Such a text -book is of necessity only a work of
reference in many parts ; but general observations on
the condition of the country, and the circumstances
of the rule, have given scope for summarising the
view suitably for the historical reader. In particular,
the decline of Egyptian rule in Syria has been for the
first time treated as a consecutive history.
Regarding the references, the various sources have
been compared, and the best text selected : where
accuracy is equal, the later publications and the English
publications have been preferred.
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
THE DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA .... 259
THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE SYRIAN CAMPAIGNS . . 320
RELATIONSHIPS OF THE XVIITH DYNASTY . . -333
THE MUMMIES OF DEIR EL BAHRI , . . -337
ADDITIONAL NOTES ,,... 341
INDEX ,-.-... 343
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. PAGE
1. Palette of Ta'aa. Scale J. Louvre .... 6
2. Throw-stick of Thuau. Scale T V Ghizeh ... 6
3. Coffin of Seqenenra. Ghizeh . , . . .8
4. Gold ring- of Aah'hotep. Louvre . , . . 9
5. Dagger of Aah'hotep. Scale f. Ghizeh . . . 11
6. Axe of Aah'hotep. Scale . Ghizeh , . . . n
7. Golden boat of Kames. Ghizeh . , . . 12
8. Axe and dagger of Kames. Scale |. Ghizeh . . 14
9. Spear head of Kames. Scale $. Evans ... 14
10. Scarab of Aahmes, P.P. Coll 36
11. Oxen drawing sledge. Turrah. (L.D.) . . . 37
12. Coffin of Aahmes Nefertari. Ghizeh , . . . 41
13. Statuette of Nefertari. Turin 42
14. Plaque of Merytamen. P.P. Coll 43
15. Cartouche of Aahmes 'henfta'meh. P.P. Coll, . . 43
16. Figure of Aahmes 'sa 'pa 'ir. P.P. Coll. , . . . 44
17. Cartouches of Araenhotep I. P.P. Coll. ... 45
18. Head of Amenhotep I. Turin. (L. D.). . . . 47
19. Coffin of Amenhotep I. Ghizeh 49
20. Tablet of Amenhotep I. B. Mus 51
21. Scarab of Aah'hotep. P.P. Coll 52
22. Paheri nursing Uazmes. El Kab. (L,D.) . . . 52
23. Scarab of Amenmes. P.P. Coll. . . . . . 153
24. Scarab of Nebta. P.P. Coll 57
25. Sensenb. Deir el Bahri 58
26. Tahutmes I. Deir el Bahri 63
27. Mummy of Tahutmes I. Ghizeh 64
28. Obelisk of Tahutmes I. Karnak 67
29. Scarabs of Tahutmes I. Louvre 69
30. Head of Queen Aahmes. Deir el Bahri . . . 70
31. Head of Queen Aahmes. Deir el Bahri ... 70
32. Ivory wand of Aahmes. Turin ..... 70
33* Queen Mufnefert. Ghizeh 71
34- Princess Khebt'neferu. Deir el Bahri. (L.D.) . . 71
x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. I'AGE
35. Mummy of Tahutmes II. Profile and front. Ghizeh . 74
36. Portrait of Tahutmes II 75
37. Coffin of Tahutmes II 75
38. Princess Neferura. Deir el Bahri. (R.S.) ... 77
39. Scarabs of Neferura. P.P. Coll ',J
40. Queen Hatshepsut. Deir el Bahri .... 80
41. Sculpture of Deir el Bahri . . % . . . 82
42. Ships and pile houses of Punt. Deir el Bahri. (D.H.) 84
43' Egyptian soldiers. Deir el Bahri ..... 85
44. Statue of Senmut. Berlin ...... 89
45. Tahutmes II. and sacred cow. Deir el Bahri. (D.H.) 91
46. Chair of Hatshepsut. B. Mus 92
47. Scarab of Hatshepsut and Usertesen III. Louvre . 94
48. Gold ring of Tahutmes III. P.P. Coll 100
49. Tahutmes III. B. Mus 102
50. Map of approach to Megiddo 104
51. Chiefs " smelling the ground. " Qurneh . . . 109
52. Chief of Tunep and artist. Qurneh . . . .109
53. Syrian chariot. Rekhmara . . . . . .no
54. Syrian captives with vases. Rekhmara . . . in
55. Syrian dishes . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1
56. Staff with human head. (Pr. A.) . . . . . in
57. Chair. Amen 'ken . TII
58. Inlaid table. Amen 'ken , in
59. Golden dish. Syria. (Pr. A.) 112
60. Jar of wine. Rekhmara. . . . . . .112
61. Copper vase. Syria. (Pr. A.) . . . . . 113
62. Cups from Syria. (Pr. A.) . . . , . .114
63. Scarab of Tahutmes III. P.P. Coll 114
64. Silver vase. Syria. Rekhmara 116
65. Silver rings. Syria. Rekhmara 117
66. Tribute from Punt. Rekhmara . . . . .117
67. Gold vase. Syria. Rekhmara . . . . .118
68. Bows. Syria. Amen'ken. . . . . . .119
69. Golden lion's head. Syria. Rekhmara . . .120
70. Golden deer's head. Syria. (Pr. A.) . , . . 120
71. Shields. Syria. Amen'ken . . . . .120
72. Quiver. Syria. Amen 'ken . . . . . .120
73. Bull's head vase. Syria. Rekhmara . . . . 121
74. Falchion. Amen'ken 122
75. Suit of armour, Amen'ken . . . . .122
76. Silver jug. Syria. Rekhmara , . . . .123
77. Elephant. Syria. Rekhmara . . . . .124
78. Alabaster vase, Tahutmes IU. F. P. Coll. . . 126
79. Glass bead, Tahutmes III. F.P. Coll. . . . 127
80. Columns, Tahutmes III. Karnak . . . 129
81. Lotus pillars, Tahutmes III. Karnak . * . . 130
82. Comparative diagram of obelisks . ; . 1 32
83. Overseers of works. Puanvra . . . . .134
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi
FIG. *AGE
84. Statue of Tahutmes III. Karnak . . . . 137
85. Drawing board in squares. B. Mus 138
86. Glass vase of Tahutmes III. (R.C.) . . . . .139
87. Scarab of Tahutmes III. P.P. Coll ,140
88. Rekh'ma-ra, from his tomb. Qurneh .... 141
89. Head of Tahutmes III. DeirelBahri. . . . ,143
90. Hieratic labels of Nebtau and Takhet a . . . 145
91. Syrian scarab of Tahutmes III. Long , . . ,145
92. Usertesen I., old Egyptian type ,148
93. Zey, new Egypto-Syrian type , . , . .149
94. Head of servant. Khaemhat. (Pr.A,). . . . 150
95. Head of priestess. (Pr.A.) 151
96. Amenhotep II. and nurse. (L.D.) . . . . 154
97. Head of Amenhotep II. Karnak. . . . . 156
98. Kneeling statue of Amenhotep II. (L.D.) . . . 160
99. Scarab of Amenhotep II. as a hawk. P.P. Coll, . 162
100. Scarab of Amenhotep II. with uraei. B. Mus. . . 162
joi. Scarab of Amenhotep II., born at Memphis. F. P. Coll. 162
102. Glass and stone vases. Ra. (Pr.A.) . . . .163
103. Boy shooting at a target. (D.E.) .... 166
104. Head of Tahutmes IV. (L.D.) ,168
105. Group of tied lotus, early. (L.D.) . . . .169
106. Group of tied lotus, late. (L.D.) 169
107. Scarab of Tahutmes IV. F. P. Coll 171
1 08. Scarab of Tahutmes IV. F. P. Coll. .... 171
109. Ring of Tahutmes IV. F. P. Coll. .... ,171
no. Tahutmes IV. offering to Osiris. (M.A.) . . . ,172
in. Queen Mutemua. (L.D.) 173
112. Head of Amenhotep III. (C.M.) 177
1 13. Amenhotep III. and his ka. (L.D.) .... 178
114. Chariot of Khaemhat. (L.D.) J 79
115. Head of Tyi. F. P. Coll. (P.A.). .... 182
1 16. Head of man of Ynuamu. (P. A.) . . . .182
117. Head of Nefertiti. Amherst. (P. A.) .... 182
118. Head of Amenhotep III. (L.D.) 184
119. Amenhotep III. on his throne. Khaemhat. (L.D.) . 186
120. Amenhotep III. B. Mus 188
121. Colonnade at Luqsor . . . . . . . 191
122. Ram from Napata, Berlin .194
123. Pottery and silver rings, Amenhotep III. F. P. Coll. . 195
124. Large motto scarabs of Amenhotep III. F. P. Coll. , 195
12$. Head of Khaemhat. Berlin 199
126. Head of Amenhotep III. (L.D.) 202
127. Court artist Auta, painting, (L.D.) .... 204
128. Head of Amenhotep IV. (L.D.) 208
129. Head of Amenhotep IV. (Pr. M.) 209
130. Amenhotep IV. supporting the Aten. F.P. Coll. . 210
131. Cartouches of Aten. (P. A.). ..... 212
132. Akhenaten and Nefertiti. (L.D.). . . 213
xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. PAGE
133. Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and daughters. (L.D.) . , 217
134. Group of women, (L.D.) 219
135. Foliage on column. (P. A.) 219
136. School of music and dancing, (L.D.) . . . , 222
137. Ushabti of Akhenaten. P.P. Coll 222
138. Head of Akhenaten. Louvre 224
139. Scarabs of Amenhotep IV. F. P. Coll. . . .225
140. Group of scribes. Florence 228
141. Death cast of Akhenaten. Ghizeh .... 230
142. Nefertiti offering 1 . Amherst. (P. A.) .... 230
143. Princesses and Nezenvmut. (L.D.) . . . 232
144. Rings of Ankh'kheperu'ra. (P. A.) .... 234
145. Rings of Ankh "kheperu 'ra. (P. A,) ... 234
146. Ring of Merfaten. (P. A.) 234
147. Head of Tutankhamen. (L.D.) ..... 236
148. Rings of Tutankhamen. (P. A.) 236
149. Ring of Ankhsenamen. (P. A.) 237
150. Pendant of Tutankhamen. (M.S.) . 237
151. Alabaster vase of Tutankhamen. F. P. Coll. . . 237
152. Ring of Tutankhamen. F. P. Coll 238
153. Head of Queen Ty. (L.D.) 239
154. Ay and Ty, from their tomb. Dr. May , . . 240
155. Scarab of Ay. F. P. Coll 242
156. Head of Horemheb. (L.D.) ..... 245
157. Negroes and Asiatics adoring. (Pr. A. ) . . . 249
158. Ring of Nezenvmut. F. P. Coll 250
159. Scarab of Horemheb. F. P. Coll. . . .251
160. Head of Horemheb. (R.A.). ..... 253
161. Negroes, Silsileh. (L.D.) ..... . 254
162. Map of Syria, under Amenhotep IV. .... 319
163. Southern Syria under Tahutmes III. . . . 324
164. Map of Northern Syria ...... 330 a
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
A L'Anthropologie (Journal).
A.B. . . . Arundale and Bonomi Gallery (Brit. Mus.).
A. E. . . . L'Arche^ologie Egyptienne (Maspero).
A.L. . . . Archseologia, London, Society of Antiquaries.
A, Mus. . . Ashmolean Museum.
A,R. . . . Archaeological Report, Egypt Exploration Fund.
A.Z. . . . Zeitschrift Aeg, Sprache.
B.A.G. . . Berlin Anthrop. Gesellsch.
B.C. ... Catalogue, 1894.
Bd.A. . . . Breasted, Hymn to Aten.
B.E. . . . Baedeker, Egypt.
Berl. . . . Berlin Museum.
B.G. . . . Brugsch, Geographic.
B.G.I. . . Geog. Inschrift.
B.H. . . . History.
B.I.E. . . Bulletin Inst., Egypt.
B.I.H.D. . Birch, Inscr. Hieratic Demotic.
B.M.C. . . Bliss, Mound of many Cities.
B. Mus. . . British Museum.
B.O D. . . Bezold, Oriental Diplomacy.
B.P. . . . Birch, Pottery.
B.R. . . . Brugsch, Recueil.
B.R.P. . . Birch, Two Rhind Papyri.
B.Rs. . . . Brugsch, Reiseberichte.
B.T. . . . ,, Thesaurus.
B.X. . . . Burton, Excerpta.
C.B. . . . Champollion, Lettre Due Blacas.
C.E. . . . Chabas, Melanges Egypt.
C.F. . . . Champollion, Figeac Egypt. Anc.
C.L. ... Lettres, ed. 1868.
C.M. ... ,, Monuments.
C.N. . . . Notices.
C.O.E. . . Congr^s Oriental, St. Etienne, 1878.
D.D. , . . Duemichen, Baugesch. Denderatempels,
D. E. . . . Description de 1'Egypte,
xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
D.F. . . . Duemichen, Flotte.
D.H. ... Histor. Insclir.
D.O. . .. . Oasen.
E. Coll. . . Edwards Collection.
E.G. . . . Ebers, Gozen zum Sinai.
E. L. . . . Etudes ded. Leemans.
F. H. . . . Fraser, Graffiti of Hat-nub.
F. Mus. . . Florence Museum.
F. P. Coll. . Flinders Petrie Collection.
G.Bh. . . . Griffith, Beni Hasan.
G. Coll. . . Grant Collection.
G. H. . . . Golenischeff, Hammamat.
G.K. . . . Griffith, Kahun Papyri.
G. Mus. . . Ghizeh Museum.
G.N. . . . Gardner, Naukratis ii.
G.O. . . . Gorringe, Egyptian Obelisks.
G.S. . . . Griffith, Siut.
H.B. ... Hawkins, Belmore Tablets (Brit. Mus.).
H. Coll. . . Hilton Price Collection.
J.A.I. . . . Jour. Anthrop. Institute.
L.A. . . . Lepsius, Auswahl.
Lb. D. . . Lieblein, Dictionary of Names.
Lb. P. . . ,, St. Petersburg-.
L.C. . . . Leyden Congress.
L.D. . . . Lepsius, Denkmaler.
L. K. . ,, Konigsbuch.
L.L. ... Letters (English edit.).
L. Mus. . . Leyden Museum.
L.T. . . . Lanzone, Catalogue of Turin.
M.A. . . . Mariette, Catalogue Abydos.
M.A. ii. . . ,, Abydos ii.
M.A.B. . . ,, Album de Boulaq.
M.A. F. . . Mission Archeol. Franc., Cairo.
M.B. . . . Mariette, Catal. Boulaq, 6th edit.
M. Coll. . . Murch Collection (Chicago).
M,D. . . . Monuments Divers.
M.D.B. . . Mariette, Deir el Bahri.
M.E. . . . Muse*e Egyptian.
M.E.E. . . Maspero, Etudes Egypt.
Mel. . . . Melanges d'Arch. Egypt (Maspero).
M.F.D. . . De Morgan, Fouilles a Dashur.
M.G. . . , Meyer, Geschichte.
M.I. . . ,. De Morgan, Monuments et Inscriptions*
M.K. . . . Mariette, Karnak.
M.M. . . . Mastabas.
M.S. ... ,, Serapeum.
M.S. Ms. . , ,, Serapeum, ed. Maspero.
Ms. A. . . Maspero, L'Archologie Egypt. *
Ms. C. . . ,, Contes Populaires.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xv
Ms. E. . . Maspero, Enquete Judicaire.
Ms. G. , . ,, Guide Bulaq.
Ms. M. . . ,, Momies de Deir el Bahari.
Ms. M.P.L. ,, Mem. Papyr. Louvre.
My. E, . . Murray, Egypt.
N.A. . . Naville, Ahnas.
N.A.P. . . ,, Ahnas, Paheri.
N.Aeg. . . Nicholson, Aegyptiaca.
N.B. . . . Naville, Bubastis.
N.D.B. . . ,, DeirelBahri.
N.Bh. . - Newberry, Beni Hasan.
O. Coll. . . Owen's College, Manchester.
O.T. , . . Orcurti, Catalogue Turin.
P. A. . . . Petrie, Tell el Amarna.
P.H . . ,, Hawara.
P.I. . . Illahun.
P.K. . . . ,, Kahun.
P.L. . . Pierret, Louvre Catalogue, Salle historique.
P.M. . . . Petrie, Medum.
P. Mus. . . Paris (Louvre) Museum.
P.N. . . ' , Petrie, Nebesheh.
P. O.K. . . Prokesch van Osten, Nilfahrt.
P.P. . . . Petrie, Pyramids of Gizeh.
P.R, . . . Pierret, Recueil Inscrip. Louvre.
P.S. . . . Petrie, Season 1887.
P.Sc. ... ,, Scarabs.
P.T. i.andii. ,, Tanis, i. and ii.
Pap. T. . . Papyri of Turin, Pleyte and Rossi.
Ph. Miis. . Philadelphia Museum.
Pr. A. . ' . Prisse, Art.
Pr. M. ,, Monuments.
R.A. . , . De Rouge\ Album.
R.C. . . . Revue Critique.
R.E. . . . De Rouge^ Etudes Egypt.
R.L. . . . Rosellini, Mon. Civili.
K'M.L. . . De Roug, Monuments Egn. du Louvre.
R.P. i. toxviii. Records of the Past, series I. i.-xii,; series II. i.-vi.
R.R. . . . Rosellini, Mon. Religious (del Culto).
R.S. . . . ,, Mon. Storici.
R.S.D. . . De Roug, Six Dynasties.
Rec. . . . Recueil de Trauvaux, Egypt.
Rev. A. . . Revue Archseologique.
S.B.A. , . Soc. Biblical Archaeol. Proceedings.
S.B.A.T. . ,, lf ,, Transactions.
S.Cat. F. . Schiaparelli, Catalogue Florence.
S.I. . . . Sharpe, Inscriptions.
S.N. . . Stuart, Nile Gleanings.
S.S. . . Schuckhardt, Schliemann.
S.S.A, . . Schack-Schackenborg, Unterw. des K. Amenemhat.
xvi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
S.T. . . . Schiaparelli, Tomba Herchuf.
T. Mus. . . Turin Museum.
T.P. . . . Papyrus.
V.G. . . . Virey, Catalogue Ghizeh.
V.P. . . . Vyse, Pyramids.
W.G. . . . Wiedemann, Geschichte.
W.G.S. . . ,, ,, Supplement.
W.M.C. . . Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, ed. Birch.
W.T. ... Thebes
The above works, and others, can be consulted in the Edwards
Library 9 University College, London*
A HISTORY OF EGYPT
SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY
THE rise of this dynasty is wholly lost to sight under
the Hyksos power. It is only with the later kings who
began to assert their independence, or perhaps with the
intermarriage of an invading and assertive family from
the south, that any historical personages appear. The
details of the relationships involve so many considera-
tions, and so much acquaintance with the family, that
it is better to study them after an outline of the period ;
they are therefore placed here at the end of this
volume, and should be referred to for seeing the reasons
for the arrangement adopted.
'So far as the details are yet known, it appears that
the royal family at the close of the XVIIth dynasty
stands thus
= *Aah*hotep I. = Seqenenra III.
Ka-mes S'khent'neb'ra Aah'mes I. = *Nefertari
i
*Aah'hotep II. = Amenhotep I. = Setrsenb
1 i i
*Aahmes = Tatiutmes I.
II I
2 SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY
In order to see how far the ages and other data
agree, it is best to tabulate the chronology ; not as
laying down what is certain, but only as proving that
no hidden discordance lies in what is already supposed
to be ascertained. The fixed points that we have to
deal with are the lengths of the reigns of Aahmes and
Amenhotep, the ages of Seqenenra and Aahmes
(about 40 and 55 respectively at death, see Ms. M.
528, 535), the successive marriages of Aah'hotep,
the eight princes and princesses who were, some, or
all, probably her children after the birth of those who
came to the throne, and the general presumption of
the ages of marriage. We see in the following table,
that there will be nothing contradictory among these
data ; and, with the exception of the very uncertain
length of the short reigns of Kames and S'khent'neb'ra
(for which an assumption has been made, regulated
by the age and family of their mother), there is pro-
bably not much uncertainty in these statements.
SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY
rfJvSvovo
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4 SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY CDW. xvn.
We may now approximately arrange the reigns and
dates of the XVIIth dynasty
B.C,
about
XVII. (Beginning- of dynasty) .... 1738
1660
5. ? Se'qeneirra (I.) Ta'aa
6. Se-qenen-ra (II.) Ta'aa'aa
1610
7. Se-qeneivra (III.) Ta'aa-ken
'597
8. Uaz'kheper'ra Ka'mes
1591
9. Se*khent*neb*ra
1587
XVIII. Aahmes
1562
Of the earlier part of this dynasty we know nothing.
The resemblance of Seqenenra III. to the Berber type
points to these kings having come down from
Ethiopia. A new dynasty beginning with Aahmes
seems to have been due to the break in the family,
he being descended of an Egyptian and not an
Ethiopian father. This dynasty, then, would seem to
have been descended from a part of the royal Egyptian
line which had taken refuge in the far south to escape
from the Hyksos oppression ; and was there mingled
with southern blood, and became of the dark Berber
type. As the Hyksos power decayed, this southern
family fought its way northward again, and so laid
the foundation of the XVIIIth dynasty. For the date
of the beginning of this dynasty we have only the
statement of Manetho, which gives 151 years for the
duration of it. Of the first eighty years, or so, we
have no names remaining ; perhaps they should be
sought in Nubia rather than in Egypt, as there is no
allusion to tombs of the predecessors of the Seqenenras
at Thebes.
Rahotep, as we have noticed in vol. i., belongs to
B.C. 1738-1587.] SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY 5
the XVIth rather than to the XVIIth dynasty, as he
reigned at Koptos, and therefore quite under the
Hyksos power. This points to his being* a vassal under
the great Hyksos kings, and not one of the fighting
family who ejected them, as there is no place for him
anywhere in the later part of this dynasty when it was
becoming independent,
We- will now notice the actual remains of these kings
before proceeding to notice their great work of ex-
pelling the Hyksos.
about
1660-
i6 3 s B.C.
f n 2 N about
XVII. 5? SE-QENEN'RA! Q ' AA/WVA ^/j I 1660-
v ! z* >1i6i< B.(
/ ' ^ .~^J
[ r-YO n I
V i fl _^
TA-AA
Palette (Louvre) (C.M. 191 bis, 3).
Throw-stick Draa-abul-neg-a (M.D. 51).
Abbott papyrus (Ms. E. 230).
ueen, Aah'hotep.
Idest son, Aahmes (died young) (Rec. xi. 1 59).
Son, Thuau. (M.D. 51, b i).
Daughter, Aahmes.
The existence of this king, as separate from his
successors, is shown by the Abbott papyrus containing
the Ramesside inspection of the royal tombs. His
tomb is there named ; and it is followed by that of
Sekenenra Ta'aa'aa, or the great Ta'aa, whose name
we might otherwise have supposed to be a variant
of Ta'aa, remembering the confusion of the Antef
names. This king's tomb is named next after that of
Sebek'enrsauf, and is described thus: "The tomb of
king (Seqenenra), son of the sun (Ta'aa), examined
this day by the masons, was found intact. " The only
contemporary objects bearing the king's name are a
palette in the Louvre, on which he is said to be beloved
SE-QENEN-RA I
[DYN. XVIL 5,
of Amen *ra and of Safekh ; a throw-stick found in the
tomb of Aqrhor at Draa-abul-nega, which bears the
cartouche Ta*aa, and the name of the king's son
Thuau ; and an important statue of the king's eldest
FIG. i. Palette of Ta-aa.
i : 2. Louvre.
son Aahmes, deceased, made
by his father Ta'aa a, his
mother the king's daughter
and queen Aalrhotep, and
his sister Aahmes (Rec. xi.
159). Though at first sight
these names Aahmes and
Aahhotep would seem to point
to this being of Ta'aa*qen,
yet we have to balance the probability of the Aah names
having been earlier in use in the family, against the
improbability of Ta*aa*qen being written without his
FIG. 2. Throw -stick
of Thuau. i : is.
Ghizeh.
B.C. 66o-i635*3
SE'QENEN'RA I
distinctive title qen> and being thus confused with his
ancestors. This monument seems, then, rather to
belong to Ta'aa, whose name is on it, than to either of
the following kings.
XVII. 6?
SE'QENEN'RA
TA'AA *AA
Q
3
3
about 1635
1610 B.C.
Of this king nothing is known except the mention
of his tomb in the Abbott papyrus. Following the
account of his predecessor's tomb, we read : "The tomb
of the king (Se*qenen*ra), son of the sun (Taaii'aa), who
is the second king (Ta'aa), examined on this day by
the masons, was found intact."
XVII. 7? f~
SE'QENEN'RA I ^
TA-AA.QEN
R
Wl
3
Deir el Bahri
; M
A i
"*"* S\
(Ms. M. 526).
Coffin and mummy
Queen, Aah'hotep.
Coffin ^ *> ( Ms. G. 77-84.
Canopicjars > Draa-abttl-nega < M.B. 810-839.
Jewellery ) Ghizeh Mus. (
Gold ring Louvre P. Sc. 760.
C h tfcfrm Nefert *ari.
And by the sequence in the tomb of Khabekht probably
also Binpu, Uazmes, Rames, Kenaru, Aahmes,
*Ka'mes, *Sat'ir'bau, *Ta'khred-qa.
(of Aah'hotep by previous husband,
Kamcs, Se'khent'neb'ra, Aahmes).
The coffin and mummy of this king were found in the
great deposit of royal mummies in the tomb at Deir el
Bahri or "the northern convent" at Thebes, The out-
SE-QENEN-RA III
[DN. xvn. 7.
line of this discovery is given at the close of this volume.
The body of Seqenenra had probably been shifted from
one hiding-place to another, like the bodies and coffins
of the other kings whose removals are inscribed upon
them. Lastly, it was laid in the tomb of the priest-kings
until removed to the museum at Cairo.
The coffin is heavy in style, like those of the Antefs, .
with a single line of inscription down the front. The
mummy shows that the king died on the field of battle.
From the position of the wounds, it appears that he was
first struck down
by an enemy on
his left hand, who
attacked him by a
violent blow on
the side of the
head in front of
the ear, and the
tongue was bitten
between the teeth
in the agony of
the conflict ; the
next stroke was
mortal, an axe
crashed through
the left side of
the head, leaving
an opening two
inches long ; and a
dagger-cut above
the right eyebrow
completed the attack. The body was recovered by his
subjects, and reverently preserved for embalming and
burial. Closely wrapped up, so that the soft parts
putrefied instead of drying in the open air, it was
carried for many days to Thebes, where it was as fully
preserved as the condition of it allowed ; but the bones
of the body and the left arm were entirely bared of
flesh. The king appears to have been of the Berber
type, tall, slender, and vigorous, with a small, long
FIG. 3. Coffin of Seqenenra. Ghizeh.
B.C. 1610-1597.]
SE-QENEN-RA III
head, and fine black hair. The beard was shaved, but
not the hair of the head (Ms. M. 527, 771, 776; pi. iii.).
A rude stone seal found at Thebes may belong" to this,
or to a previous king Seqenenra.
His wife Aah'hotep was one of the great queens of
Egyptian history, important as the historic link of the
dynasties, and revered along with her
still more celebrated and honoured
daughter Nefertari. We have already
noticed how her son Aahmes (so de-
scribed on Edfu stele, Rec. ix. 93, Ms.
M. 626) was of the ordinary Egyptian
complexion, while her daughter Nefertari
(so placed in the series of Khabekht,
L.D. iii. 2a, and called royal daughter)
was black. As Seqenenra was Berber,
Nefertari might be three-quarters black ;
while Aahmes, if son of an Egyptian
husband, might be three-quarters Egyptian, thus
accounting for the difference. The age of Aahmes
at his accession, after the insignificant reigns of his
brothers, shows that he was the son of a first husband,
implying that Aatrhotep first married an Egyptian,
and secondly, Seqenenra. The importance of Nefertari
as heiress shows that the queen had no daughter by
her first husband. The reign of Kames before Aahmes
shows that he was the elder brother. And the presence
of Se-khent-neb'ra between Aahmes and Kames (tomb
of Khabekht, L.D. iii. 2a) shows that he was another
brother, who probably reigned briefly between them.
Thus we reach the relationships.
FIG. 4. Gold ring
of Aah'hotep.
Louvre.
x = Aah'hotep
Kames
!
Sekhentnebra
Aahmes
= Seqenenra
Nefer-tari
Though the reasons for this arrangement are not
very strong, yet there are no objections to it so far
known, and the resulting chronology is not discordant.
10 - SE'QENEN'RA III [DVN. xvn. 7.
Two documents serve to show the long life of the
queen. A Theban stele of Kames (Rec. ix. 94) states,
in the tenth year of Amenhotep I., that Aah'hotep I., the
royal mother, was still acting. According to the dates,
she would then be eighty-eight years old ; and this
cannot be abbreviated, as it is made up of fixed amounts,
the birth of Aahmes (second or third son) about her
twentieth year, his fifty-five years of life (Ms. M. 535),
and the ten years of reign of Amenhotep. The other
stele, of lufi (Rec. ix. 92), appears to show that Aah'hotep
was still alive under Tahutmes I., when she must have
been about a hundred years old. She must certainly
have had, therefore, a long life, and have seen the whole
revolution of the rise of Egypt, born under Hyksos
rule, and dying with the wealth of Asia around her, won
by her son, grandson, and great-grandson.
The name of Aah'hotep is familiar in connection with
the beauty of her jewellery, which, till the discoveries
at Dahshur, has been an unique treasure. The coffin
containing the mummy and jewellery was found slightly
buried in the ground at Draa-abul-Nega, the northern
and most ancient end of the cemetery of Thebes, where
lie the tombs of the Xlth dynasty. It is certain that
such was not its original site, and that it must have
been taken from a royal tomb. By whom ? Not by
the Arab plunderers of the Deir el Bahri tomb, as has
been suggested ; nor by any regular tomb thieves, sucfr
as plundered the tombs in the Ramesside age. Neither
of such parties would encumber themselves with
moving a great coffin and a mummy, when all the
valuables might be gathered up in a few minutes
and put into a bag. Such a reburial of an intact
mummy in its heavy case, shows a care and respect
for it such as no plunderer would have had. Rather
must it have been taken out of the tomb by pious hands,
when the disorganisation of government could no longer
protect the tombs from thieves or foes, and have been
committed unmarked and unseen to the safe keeping of
the earth, for fear of the fate which awaited it if left in
the well-known tomb. It was a part of that care for
B.C. 1610-1597.]
AAH-HOTEP I
the royal dead which led to the kings being moved from
tomb to tomb, and lastly hidden at Deir el Bahri. How
FIG. 5. Inlaid dagger of Queen
Aah'hotep. Scale, 2 : 5.
FIG. 6. Inlaid axe of Queen
Aalrhotep. Scale, i : 5.
SE-QENEN-RA III
[DYN. xvn. 7.
many more of the royal tombs may have been thus
emptied, and their contents safely hidden in the sand,
we may never know or suspect. This coffin was only
found accidentally by some natives in 1860 ; was con-
fiscated by the Mudir of Qeneh, and lastly seized by
Mariette for the new museum.
The coffin of wood is plain in the body and coloured
blue. The lid is massive, entirely gilt, carved with the
face and wig, and covered by the wings of Isis over the
body, like the Antef coffins. Within the coffin was the
mummy, with four canopic jars, and with some jewellery
at the side of it, some within the wrappings, and some
upon the corpse (M.B. 810). To enter on a full list of
FIG. 7. -Boat of Kames. Ghizeh.
the treasure here would be too lengthy, but we must
notice the historical points. On the corpse were a"
scarab and chain with the name of Aahmes on the
fastening, besides three bracelets and a diadem, all with
the name of Aahmes ; while within the wrappings were
the gold axe and the dagger, both with the name of
Aahmes. The personal ornaments of this queen were
therefore provided by Aahmes, that is to say, when the
queen was between fifty and seventy-five years old.
But beside these objects of Aahmes, some with the
name of her eldest son Kames were also found. In
the coffin were two model barks with rowers : one of
gold bore the name of Kames ; the other, of silver,
was plain. The other objects were a fly-flap and bronze
axes, of Kames ; and probably other bronze axes and a
B.G. i6ro-i S 97.] AAH'HOTEP I 13
spear of his, now in England, came from the same source.
It has always been assumed that the whole of this outfit
belonged solely to the queen. But as no object of
Kames was within the bandages, but only loose in the
open coffin, there is no such assurance. Rather it would
seem that the valuables in the burial of Kames which
were outside of his mummy had been hurriedly heaped
together into the coffin of Aah'hotep, and so all carried
out for safe burial. The two barks would thus belong,
one to Kames, the other to Aah'hotep's own burial.
And the bronze axes and spear are more likely to have
been laid with a warrior king than with the queen.
There is a strong suggestion in the arrangement of the
lower line of figures in the tomb of Khabekht (L.D. iii.
2a) that Aah'hotep had many other children. After the
three brothers, Aahmes, Skhent'neb'ra, and Kames,
there follow eight royal sons and daughters who do not
belong to any later generation, as they never appear
subsequently. These are Binpu (who occurs on a
statuette, M.D. 48 b), Uaz*mes, Rames, Ken'aru,
Aahmes, and the princesses Kames, Sat'irbau, and
Ta'khredqa. The uniform order of sons together and
daughters together, and the absence of any other im-
portant ancestor connected with them, suggests that
they are brothers and sisters of Aahmes, and children
of Aah'hotep subsequent to Nefertari.
XVII. 8? s y n <X> N about J 597
UAZ-KHEPER-RA f Q j 3 W J 1591 B.C.
Gold bark G. Mtis. (Ms. G. 82).
Fly-flap G. Mus. (Ms. G. 83).
Bronze axes G. Mus., B. Mus (M.B. 810; A.L.
liii. 86-87).
Spear head Evans Coll. (A.L. liii. 84, pi. i.).
Scarab. Brocklehurst Coll.
Tomb in Papyrus Abbott (Ms. E. 230).
UAZ-KHEPER-RA
[DVN. xvii. 8.
The position of this king 1 we have already discusse'd
in the previous pages. His reign has left no traces
FIG. 8. Axe and dagger of
Kames. i : 4. Ghizeh.
FIG. 9. Spear head of Kames.
i': 5. Evans Coll.
B.C. IS97-XS9I.J. KA-MES 15
beyond his burial and subsequent adoration of him.
That he cannot have come before the Seqenenra kings,
is indicated by his jewellery resembling" that of Aahmes,
and being placed with Aahrhotep, probably owing to
his burial being close to hers, or in the same vault.
But the absence of any work of his points to a brief
reign ; and in allowing six years in the history for him we
can hardly err much either way. A much longer reign
would involve difficulties in the age of his mother.
We have noticed that the objects found loose in the
coffin of Aah'hotep probably came from the burial of
Kames. Beside these, two bronze axes with his name
are known (B. Mus. and Sir John Evans* Coll.), and a
bronze spear head with a long inscription (Evans* Coll.
See A.L. liii. 84). This reads, " The good god, lord of
action, Uaz'kheperra. I am a valiant prince, beloved
of Ra, begotten of Aah, born of Tehuti, son of the sun
Ka'.mes eternally strong." Here there is the same
fighting tone that we meet in the names Seqenenra,
" Ra makes valiant," and " Taaa the valiant." There
is also the link to the name of his mother and brother
in his being " begotten of Aah." Another interesting
link is in his being " born of Tehuti" (a confused idea
of a god instead of a goddess bearing him) ; for it has
been already pointed out that the XVIIIth dynasty had
strong links to the lunar gods of Eshmunen or Hermo-
polis, in the names Aahmes and Tahutimes (B.H. 273).
Again, in the old Egyptian chronicle of Castor, the
XVIIIth dynasty is Hermopolite. And a statuette of
black basalt was obtained from Mellawi, and probably
came from Eshmunen, bearing the name of a private
person, Kames (P.P. Coll.), which shows the observance
of the royal names in that town at the time. One
scarab of this king was found about 1893, now in
Brocklehurst Coll.
The tomb of Kames is mentioned in the Abbott
papyrus as having been inspected by the Ramesside
officials. "The tomb of King Uaz'kheperra, son of
the sun Ka'mes, examined in that day, was intact,"
(MS, E. 230).
i6 SE'NEKHT'EN'RA CDYN. xvn. 9.
r
V^
Or SE'NEKHT'EN'RA ' W ' B ' C *
This first name is only known in the list of the tomb
of Khabakhnet (L.D. iii, 2a), where it occurs between
the names of Kames and Aahmes, suggesting 1 that it
was that of an intermediate brother-king. It has been
suggested that this is a mistake for Se'nekht'en'ra, who
is found in the list of Tahutmes III. at Karnak, and
on the altar at Marseille (Rec. xiii. 146). From the
resemblance of the hieratic writing of the two names,
this appears not unlikely. The form Senekhtenra is
the more likely to be correct, as being similar to
Seqenenra in type and meaning. A king or perhaps
a prince is named on a bronze dagger, Sa'ra (Beba*
ankh) du ankh, and is doubtless of this age, though
otherwise unknown (Greenwell Coll. A.L. liii. 93).
We now come to consider the great struggle of this
age, the expulsion of the Hyksos. As this extended
over some generations, it will be best to treat it as a
consecutive account, and not to divide the subject
amongst the several reigns to which it belongs.
From Manetho we have concluded (in vol. i.) that the
Hyksos period consisted of three parts : 100 years of
destructive invasion, 2098-1998 B.C.; then 260 years of
the reigns of six great kings, who allowed their
Egyptian vassals a lifelong rule, as they were
thoroughly subdued, 1998-1738 B.C.; lastly, 151 years
of weakening of the Hyksos power and continual
conflict and rebellion, until Aahmes begins the XVIIIth
dynasty. This last period is that of the XVI Ith
dynasty, 1738-1587 B.C., and is that with which we now
have to deal.
F c, 1610-1587.] EXPULSION OF HYKSOS .17
From the Berber type of Seqenenra, it seems probable
that the dynasty had come from Ethiopia; and the
earlier part of it, from about 1738 to perhaps 1660 B.C.,
of which we have no names, may have dwelt in Nubia,
and only harassed the Hyksos from thence. That the
Hyksos suzerainty under the great king's extended over
^the whole land, is shown by the lintel of Apepa I. found
as far south as Gebelen ; and by the building- in red
granite of the same king, showing control of the Aswan
quarries. But when we come to the time of Apepa II.,
Thebes was almost independent. That this is the
Apepa of the tale of " Apepy and Seqenenra" is
probable; because Apepa I. was much earlier than
the Seqenen kings, and Apepa II. has a name,
Aa*qenen*ra, closely akin to that of Seqenenra Ta*aa*
qen. Apepa II. (see vol. i. p. 242) must therefore be
one of the later Hyksos.
The tale of Apepy and Seqenenra was considered to
be exact history when first translated ; but latterly it
has been the rather supposed to be a popular tale
founded on the history, probably reflecting very closely
the actual events. The papyrus (known as Sallier II.,
in B. Mus.) containing the tale is unfortunately only
fragmentary ; and here we give the actual remains,
with indication of some restorations (see Ms. C. 278).
" It came to pass that the land of Egypt was a prey
to plague (i.e. foreigners), and at that time there was
no lord and king (i.e. no king over all the land)* At
that time the king Seqenenra was prince (keg) of the
south ; and the plague in the cities were the Amu, and
Apepy was prince .(sar) in Hauar (Avaris), and com-
manded the whole land with their works, and with all
good things of the land of Egypt. Behold king Apepy
made Sutekh as lord, and he served not any other god
of the whole land except Sutekh. He built him the
temple of work good for eternity . . . Apepy. And
he went in procession each day to sacrifice the daily
offerings to Sutekh, and the chiefs of the king were
with garlands, as is done in the temple of Ra Harem*
khuti. And the king Apepy sought words to send a
112
i8 EXPULSION OF HYKSOS [UYN. xvn.
message to the king Seqenenra, the prince (ur) of the
town of the south (Thebes).
" And many days after this the king Apepy called to
him his great [chiefs, his captains, and his prudent
generals, but they knew not what to say to the king
Seqenenra, prince of the south country. The king
Ra-Apepy therefore called unto him his cunning scribes
(probably native Egyptians, like the present Copts), and
they said to him, * Oh, lord our master, let this be
good before thee,' and they gave to the king Ra-Apepy
the words which he desired. * Let a messenger go to
the prince of the town of the south, and say to him,
"The king Ra-Apepy sends to say, . . . ] the canal of
the hippopotami [which are in the canals of the country,
that they may let me sleep both by night and by day
. . . "] with him in taking, and will not approve to him
any god which is in the land of Egypt except Amen Ra,
king of the gods.'
" And many days after this king Apepy sent to the
prince (ur) of the south city the message which his
cunning scribes had said to him ; and the messenger
of king Apepy came unto the prince (ur) of the south
city ; and they brought him before the prince of the
south city. Then said he to the messenger of king
Apepy, * What message bringest thou to the south
city ? Wherefore art thou travelled hither ? ' The
messenger answered him, saying, 'The king Apepy sends
to thee, saying, " Let them ... on the canal of the
hippopotami that are in the ... of the city . . .
for sleep by night and by day is not able to come to
me."* The prince of the south city was troubled, so
that he knew not how to answer the messenger of king
Ra-Apepy. The prince of the south then said to him,
' Behold this which thy master sends for . . . the
prince of the south land . . . the words which he sent
to me . . . his goods . . .' The prince of the south
land gave to the messenger all kinds of good things, of
meat and of bread, of ...'... all this which thou
hast said I intend . . .' The messenger "of king Apepy
betook himself unto the place where his master was.
B.C. 1610-1587.] EXPULSION OF HYKSOS 19
Then the prince of the south land called to him his
great chiefs, his captains, and his prudent generals,
and he told unto them all the words about which king
Apepy had sent unto him. And behold they were
silent with one accord in great grief, neither knew they
to reply either good or evil.
"The king Ra- Apepy sent ..."
Here unhappily the account ceases in this papyrus ;
but enough remains to give a clear picture of the bully-
ing by the Hyksos kings, and the terror of their vassals
when they chose to pick a quarrel. The meaning of
the message is obscure, and makes us the more regret
the incompletion of the document. This is the only
detailed view of the relations of the Hyksos to the
Egyptians in the latter part of their sojourn. The king
being named Seqenenra, shows that it must refer to the
last century, or so, of the bondage ; but there is
nothing to show to which king of that name this
refers, if, indeed, the writer had any clear idea on the
matter.
The only monumental notice of the destructions by
the Hyksos is in the inscription of Hatshepsut on the
front of the rock-cut temple, known as the Speos
Artemidos, just south of Beni Hasan. In this the
queen recites her re-establishment of the Egyptian
power and worship. She describes the injuries to the
country. "The abode of the Mistress of Qes (Kusae
on west side) was fallen in ruin, the earth had covered
her beautiful sanctuary, and children played over her
temple. ... I cleared it and rebuilt it anew. ... I
restored that which was in ruins, and I completed that
which was left unfinished. For there had been Amu in
the midst of the Delta and in Hauar, and the foreign
hordes of their number had destroyed the ancient
works ; they reigned ignorant of the god Ra "
(Rec. iii. 2).
For the period of the actual expulsion of the Hyksos
there are but two documents, Manetho as recorded by
Josephus, and the tomb of the warrior Aahmes at El
Kab. We see in the tale of Apepa that during the
20 EXPULSION OF HYKSOS IDYN. xvn.
Seqenenra period, somewhere between 1660 and 1600
B.C., the Theban princedom was completely in the
power of the Hyksos, and open war had not yet
broken out, or become continuous. But the last
Seqenenra died in battle, probably at some distance
away, and yet was buried properly at Thebes. This
points to the Theban powers having become independ-
ent by 1597 B.C., and having a fighting frontier some
way to the north, so that ceremonials at Thebes were
uninterrupted. During the reign of Kames further
advance was probably made by " the valiant prince,"
as we see that king Aahmes was able to besiege the
stronghold of the Hyksos down in the Delta at the
beginning of his reign, about 1585 B.C. So probably
the Thebans had been gradually pushing their way
north, and claiming independence, during perhaps
twenty years before the country gathered itself together
and made the grand effort of the expulsion under
Aahmes ; and it was that effort which placed Aahmes
on the throne as a victorious conqueror, and founded
the XVIIIth dynasty.
Manetho summarised the story, according to Josephus,
in this form : " The kings of the Thebaid and of the
rest of Egypt made insurrection against the Shepherds,
and a long and mighty war was carried on between
them, until the Shepherds were overcome by a king
whose name was Alisphragmouthosis (var. Mis'phra*
gmu'thosls^Aahmes'pakar'nub'thes'taui, * Aahmes, the
golden Horus binding together the two lands,' a title of
his referring to the united action in the war, and
recovery of the Delta), and they were by him driven out
of the other parts of Egypt, and hemmed up in a place
containing about ten thousand arouras, which was
called Auaris. All this tract the Shepherds surrounded
with a vast and strong wall, that they might retain all
their property and their prey within a hold of their
strength.
"And Thummosis the son of Alisphragmouthosis
tried to force them by a siege, and beleaguered the
place with a body of four hundred and eighty thousand
im*. xviii.] EXPULSION OF HYKSOS 21
men ; but at the moment when he despaired of reducing
them by siege, they agreed to a capitulation, that they
would leave Egypt, and should be permitted to go out
without molestation wheresoever they pleased. And,
according to this stipulation, they departed from Egypt
with all their families and effects, in number not less
than two hundred and forty thousand, and bent their
way through the desert towards Syria. But as they
stood in fear of the Assyrians, who then had dominion
over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now
called Judaea, of sufficient size to contain this multitude
of men, and named it Jerusalem."
Here, then, it is represented that Aahmes shut them
up in Auaris ; and that his son (or rather grandson),
Tahutmes I., finally ejected them thence. This is,
however, due to a confusion of the capture of Auaris
with the subsequent Syrian wars of Tahutmes I. , as is
shown by the contemporary account of one of the main
actors in the struggle, the admiral Aahmes. He would
certainly have recited the capture of Auaris under
Tahutmes I., if any such conquest had then occurred.
The account of the admiral Aahmes is the best
authority that we have for the beginning of the XVIIIth
dynasty. We here quote the earlier portion, referring
to the Hyksos war :
"The captain-general of marines, Aahmes son of
Abana, rnakheru. He says, I speak to you, all men, in
order that I may inform you of the honours which have
fallen to my lot. I have been presented with gold
seven times in the face of the whole land, and with
slaves both male and female ; likewise I have acquired
much land. The name of one valorous in his acts
shall not perish for ever in this land. He saith, I came
into existence in the city of Nekheb (El Kab) ; my
father was an officer of king Sekenenra, makheru, Baba
son of Reant was his name. "
" I performed the duties of an officer in his place on
board the ship called the * Sacrificial Ox ' in the days of
king Neb'pehti'ra, makheru (Aahmes). I was too
young- to have a wife, and I slept in the semi cloth and
22 EXPULSION OF HYKSOS EDYN. xvm.
shennu garment (age about 20, 1586 B.C.). But as
soon as I had a house I was taken to a ship called the
* North ' on account of my valour. And I followed the
sovereign on foot when he went out on his chariot.
" One sat down before the city of Hat'uart (Avaris),
and I was valorous on foot in presence of his majesty.
I was promoted to the ship called Kha'em'men'nefer.
We fought on the water in the Pazedku (canal ?) of
Hat'uart. Here I captured and carried off a hand,
mention of which was made to the royal reporter, and
there was given to me the golden collar of valour.
There was fighting a second time at this place, and a
second time I captured and carried off a hand, and
there was given to me a second time the gold of valour.
There was fighting at Ta'kemt at the south of this city,
and I carried away prisoner a live man. I plunged
into the water, behold he was brought as one captured
on the road of the town, I crossed over with him
through the water (i.e. he secured him as certainly as
if he had been caught on a high-road). Mention of this
was made to the royal reporter, and I was presented
with gold once more.
"We took Hat'uart, and I carried off as captives
from thence one man and three women, in all four
heads ; and his majesty gave them to me for slaves.
" We sat down before Sharhana (Sharuhen in the^
southern border of Palestine) in the year 5 (age about*
24, 1582 B.C.), and his majesty took it. I carried off
from thence captives two women and one hand ; and
there was given me the gold of valour. Behold there
were given me the captives for slaves.
" But when his majesty had slaughtered the Mentiu
of Setet, he went south to Khent'hen'nefer, in order to
destroy the Anu Khenti ; and his majesty made a great
slaughter of them. I carried away captives two live
men and three hands ; and I was presented once more
with the gold, and behold the two slaves were given to
me. Then came his majesty down the river, his heart
swelled with valour and victory ; he had conquered the
people of the South and of the North.
DYN. xviii.) EXPULSION OF HYKSOS 23
" Then came Aata to the South, bringing in his fate,
namely, his destruction, for the gods of the South
seized upon him. When his majesty found him at
Tentta-a, his majesty carried him off as a living
captive, and all his men, with swiftness of capture.
And I brought off two attendants (?) whom I had
seized on the ship of Aata ; and there were given to me
five heads for my share and five sta of land in my own
city. It was done to all the company of the marines in
like manner.
"Then that enemy named Teta*an came; he had
collected rebels. But his majesty slaughtered him and
his slaves even to extinction. And there were given
to me three heads and five sfa of land in my own city.' 1
He then describes his services in the southern campaigns
of Amenhotep I. and Tahutmes I., and the Syrian war
of Tahutmes I. He came to old age in that reign, when
he would be between sixty-five and ninety years old.
We see here that Aahmes concluded the Hyksos war
within five years, and then turned his arms to the
South. Two separate attempts were made apparently
by the defeated Hyksos subsequently : Aata arose
during the absence of Aahmes in his southern cam-
paign, and overran the land as far as the south
country ; but he was soon crushed. Again, another
flicker of the conquered force seems to have arisen
under Teta'an, which was likewise soon crushed.
The history of the war of independence then seems to
have been, that perhaps for twenty or thirty years before
1600 B.C. the Nubian princes of Thebes had been
pushing their way northward against the decaying
power of the Hyksos. Active warfare was going on
at about 1600 B.C. ; and a sudden outburst of energy,
under the active young leader Aahmes, concluded the
expulsion of the foreigners, and the capture of their
stronghold, within a few years, ending in 1582 B.C. A
couple of last flickers of the war were crushed during
the succeeding years, and the rest of his reign Aahmes
was able to devote to the reorganization of the whole
country.
24 EXPULSION OF HYKSOS
One question remains, What effect had the Hyksos
occupation upon the people? That there were large
numbers of the race is evident ; only a considerable
mass of people could have thus held down a whole
country for some centuries, while yet remaining* so
distinct that they could be expelled as a separate body.
The number reported to have left Egypt a quarter of
a million from a land which very probably only held
then about two millions, as at the beginning of this
century, shows how large their numbers were even
after they had become intermingled with the natives
during some twenty generations. It was not merely
the upsetting of a government, as the overthrow of the "
Turks in Europe would be at present, but it was the
thrusting out of a large part of the population, pro-
bably the greater part of the inhabitants of the Delta.
We cannot doubt, then, that from such a large body of a
ruling race there must have been a great amount of
mixture with the earlier occupiers of the land. The
Semitising of Egypt took place largely then, so far as
race was concerned ; and bore full effect when the
fashions, ideas, and manners of Syria were implanted
after the Asiatic conquests of Tahutmes III.
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY.
ALTHOUGH the succession of the kings of the XVIIIth
dynasty is well known from the monuments, yet the
chronology of the period, and the connection of the
names with those given in the Greek lists, is far from
settled as yet. As our only hope of obtaining a scheme
of the lengths of the reigns and of the duration of the
dynasty depends on an adjustment of the names stated
by the monuments to those stated by Manetho, the
treatment of the Greek lists is of much historical
importance, and deserves full consideration. The
following are the actual materials that we have to
study :
MONU- HIGHEST
MANETHO.
AFRICANUS
-^
JOSEPH us.
AND EUSEBIUS.
Y. M.
Aahmes 22
Am5s 25
Alisfrag-mouthosis
Amerrhotep I. ?
TethmSsis 25*4
Tahut'mes I. 9
Khebron 1 3
Khebron 1^3
Tahut-mes II. 9
AmenOfthis (21) 24
Amenofis 207
Hat'shepsut 22?
Amersis 22
Amesses 2 1 '9
Tahut-mes 1 1 1. 54
MLsafris, Mifris(i2) 13
Mefres 1 2 '9
Ameirhotep II. 26
MisfragTOOuthdsis 26
Meframouthosis 25*10
Tahut*mes IV. 7
TouthmOsis 9
Thmosis 9-8
Ameirhotep III. 36
Amenofis 31
Amenofis 30*10
Akhetraten 17
Oros (36) 37
Oros 36*5
Ra'smenkh'ka 3
Akherres (12)32
Akenkhrgs 12*1
Tut -ankh 'amen ?
Rath5s (AthOris 39) 6
Rat 5th is 9*
Ay 4
Khebres 12
Akenkheres 1-2*5
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
MONU- HIGHEST
MENTS. YEAR.
MANETHO.
AFRICANUS
AND EUSEBIUS.
JOSEPHUS.
Hor'em'heb 21
Akherres 1 2
Armais 5
Akenkheres
Armais
XIX Ra'messu I. 2
Sety I. 9
Ra'messu 1 1. 67
Mer*en*ptah 25
Ramesses i
Amenofath (40) 19
Seth5s (51)55
RampsSs (61) 66
Ammenefthis(8, 20) 40
Ramesses
Armesse"s
Amenofis
Sethosis
Ramesses
I2'3
i '4
66*2
19-6
In these lists the middle of the dynasty seems well
identified at Tahutmes IV. and Amenhotep III., and
our consideration of it falls into two divisions, the
earlier and the later, which stand quite independent of
each other. In the first part the lists have been
adjusted thus by Wiedemann :
JOSEPHUS.
Tethmosis
Khebron
Amenofis
Amesses
Mefres
sis Meframouthosis
Omitted.
But there are several objections to such an arrange-
ment. Tethmosis cannot well be Aahmes, but is
rather to be assigned to Tahutmes. There is no reason
to make a separate king from the earlier years of Amen-
hotep L ; Tahutmes I. cannot be Amesses, who is
stated to be the sister of Khebron ; the separate reign
of Hatshepsut is omitted ; and the reign of Amenhotep
II. is also omitted.
In the face of these difficulties, it would seem better
to suppose that Amenofthis has been accidentally
shifted in Manetho (perhaps owing to the account of
MONUMENTS.
AFKICANUS.
Aahmes
AmGs
Nefertari and
Amenhotep I.
Khebron
Amenhotep I.
Amenofthis
Tahutmes I.
Amersis
Tahutmes II. )
& Hatshepsut j
Mifris
Tahutmes III.
Misfragmoui
Amenhotep II.
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY 27
the Hyksos war passing from Aahmes to Tahutmes I.,
while the quiet reign of Amenhotep was left till after
it), and so it appears two places farther down in the
list than originally stated. We must also recognise
that Tethmosis in Josephus has been altogether dropped
out in the later lists of Africanus and Eusebius. In
this view, a more satisfactory adjustment is reached
as follows :
MONUMENTS. AFRICANUS. JOSEPHUS.
Aahmes Amos Misfragfrnouthosis
Amenhotep I. (placed below) (placed below)
Tahutmes I. (omitted) Tethmosis
Tahutmes II. Khebron Khebron
(Transposed from above Amenofthis Amenofis)
Hatshepsut Amersis Amesses
Tahutmes III. Misafris Mefres
Amenhotep II. Misfragmouthosis Meframouthosis
Thus the name Khebron is explained by Akheperenra,
Tahutmes II.; and Amersis "his sister" is Hatshepsut
his sister. There is another point also in the last
identification. Amersis is stated to have reigned
21 years 9 months ; and though Hatshepsut's length
of reign is not declared, yet Tahutmes III. begins his
independent action in his 22nd year, and thus his inde-
pendence coincides with his sister's death. The 54
years* reign of Tahutmes III. cannot be identified with
any of the numbers of the lists ; so, wherever it is
placed, some corruption must be assumed. But the
name Mefres is already fixed to Tahutmes III. by Pliny
in mentioning his obelisk (Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 15, 69).
And the 26 years of Misfragmouthosis agrees with the
recent discovery of a wine jar with the date of the 26th
year of Amenhotep II. The 36 years of Amenhotep
III. on the monuments doubtless covers also the
period of some co- regency, while the 30 years 10
months of Josephus will be the length of his sole
reign, thus implying a co-regency with his son of 5
years.
We now pass to the second half of the dynasty.
28 EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
Here Oros is doubtless Akherraten, and Armais is
Horenrheb. We know that Ra'smenklrka'ser'khe-
peru (erroneously called Ra'saa'ka'khepru) was the
immediate successor of Akhenaten, as he is named
" beloved of Akhenaten"; we know that Tufankh*
amen next succeeded, as his rings are found at Tell
el Amarna, without any later objects ; and Ay must
come before Horemheb, who re-used his masonry,
and cannot come between Tutankhamen and Akhenaten,
as his name is never found in that group at Tell el
Amarna. Now, Josephus says that Akenkhres was
daughter of Oros, while we know that Ra'smenklrka,
whose throne name was Ankh'khepnrra, married the
daughter of Akhenaten, and thus succeeded him. The
relationship and the name, Akherres or Akenkhres,
agree, therefore, fairly with the monuments. Next,
Ratothis is said to be the brother of Akenkhres, while
we know that Tut *ankh 'amen was the brother-in-law
of the previous queen, having married another daughter
of Akhenaten ; the name Aten'tut'ankh (altered later
to Amen 'tut *ankh) may have been rendered by the
orthodox as Ra'tut'ankh, and so have originated
Ratothis. Next, the two Akenkheres' reigns of 12
years and 5 months and 12 years and 3 months are
probably a reduplication, as only Ay is known to cor-
respond to them : the names of Ay, Khepenrar'maa'ra
may have been abbreviated into the Akherres of
Africanus. The discrepancy of Horemheb's 21 years
with the 4 or 5 years of Armais may be due to his
dating from some semi-independent generalship of his,
while only the last 4 or 5 years of his life were inde-
pendent after the death of Ay. And this possibility
is suggested by the length stated for the reign of Oros
36 years 5 months : it is certain that Akhenaten
only lived 17 or 1 8 years, but the duration of his Aten
worship (veiled under the orthodox name of Horus)
appears to have been about 36 years. If Horemheb
dated from the restoration of the old worship, in
which he may have taken a large part, that would
imply 364-21 = 57 years from Akhenaten to Horemheb
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
inclusive, and the reigns in Josephus, with the known
reign of Akhenaten, amount to 56 years.
Hence, from these data, the best result, so far as we
can at present see, appears to be as follows :
LISTS.
YRS. Mos.
u.c.
about.
MONUMENTS.
1 Aahmes
2 Amcnhotep I.
3 Tahutmes I.
4 Tahutmes II.
5 Hatshepsut
6 Tahutmes III.
7 Amenhotep II.
8 Tahutmes IV.
9 Amenhotep III.
10 Akhenaten
11 Ra'smenkh'ka
12 Tut'ankh'amen
13 Ay
14 Horenvheb
(Men'peh'ra
The absolute dates stated here are based on the
statement of Mahler (by Sirius and the new moons) of
the reign of Tahutmes III., from 1503 to 1449 B c *t
adding and subtracting the reigns on either side. This
astronomical method was first proposed (though carried
out imperfectly) by Basil Cooper (Brit. Quart. Rev. 1860).
Some general checks on this arrangement are given
by private biographies, which show through which
Am5s
25
1562
AmenOfthis
207
Tethmdsis
25*4
1541 .
1516
Khebron
13
Amersis
21-9
i53
1481
Mefres 53-10 -21 '9
= 32-1
1449
Meframouthosis
25-10
Touthmosis
9-8
H23
1414
Amenofis
30*10
1383
Oros
18
1365
Akherres
I2'l
'353
Ratothis
9
1344
Akherres
12-5
1332
Armais
4-1
1328
Menophres, 1322?)
30 EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
reigns extended the life and activities of certain officials.
The inscription of the commander Aahmes at El Kab
gives some indications. He was still young and un-
married when he became commander of a ship, in the
reign of Aahmes, and he did many great deeds before
the 6th year of that reign. If we put him at 19 to 25
years of age in these six years, we cannot be far out.
Thus he would have been born about 1606 B.C. by the
dates in the above list. He would then be over 40
when he convoyed Amenhotep I. on his Nubian wars,
and was personally fighting. He would be 65 when
he convoyed Tahutmes I. to Nubia, but nothing is
then said of his own activity ; a year or two later he
cut off a chariot in the Syrian war. But he next says
that he has arrived at old age in that reign, and
therefore before the reign of Tahutmes II., when he
would have been 90 years old. For a man of special
vigour and valour this is not an unlikely life-history.
About a generation later there is a biography of
Pennekheb at El Kab. His first prisoner was taken
under king Aahmes. If he were about 18 at the king's
death, this would imply that he was born about 1580
B.C., but certainly not later. He then took prisoners
under Amenhotep I. when 18 to 39 years old ; other
prisoners under Tahutmes I. when between 39 and 64
years old. He brought prisoners, apparently as a cap-
tain, for Tahutmes II. when he was over 64 ; and died
under Tahutmes III. at over 77 years old. Here the
ages are not at all impossible. Yet in both cases they
seem rather beyond what would be likely for such
activity ; and hence the suggestion given by the datum
of Sirius rising on the gth Epiphi, in the 9th year of
Amenhotep I. (which would point to our having seven
years too long a reckoning between Amenhotep I. and
Tahutmes III.), is rather confirmed ; as a reduction of all
the above elder ages by seven years would be more likely
than not. In any case, we see that the interval from
Aahmes to Tahutmes III. could not be longer than we
have deduced, nor could it be very much shorter by the
age implied.
SED FESTIVALS 31
There is, however, another check, which has been
hitherto scarcely used. The mentions of the Sed
festival, at the close of each of the 28 or 30 year
periods, when Sirius rose a week later in the calendar
(owing to the month-names shifting 1 earlier), show us
equal intervals which are most important to regulate
the chronology. And not only can exact statements of
the date of celebrating a festival be of value ; but even
general allusions to the festival give some probability
of such a feast having occurred at the time.
Our starting-point is from Mahler's determination of
the date of the festival and of the reign of Tahutmes
III. from the star - rising combined with the new
moons. He deduces that the 53 years of Tahutmes
III. range from 2oth March 1503 B.C. to i4th February
1449, and that the Sirius festival of rising on the 28th
of Epiphi was in 1470 B.C. This is strongly confirmed
by a document not yet utilised. A tablet at El Bersheh
(now destroyed) was dated in the 33rd year of Tahutmes
III. the year of the feast, according to Mahler ; and
more precisely on the 2nd day of Mesore, which is only
three days after the feast day on the 28th of Epiphi.
And in this tablet the beginning of a million of Sirius
cycles is wished for the king. Such an allusion to the
great feast in that year, which took place only three
days before this, is a brilliant confirmation of Mahler's
astronomical reckoning ; for, were that erroneous in
any point, it would be entirely wrong, and hopelessly
unlikely to agree with such a record. While a very
strong reason is thus obtained for crediting the absolute
dating already stated, yet in the following relation of
the Sirius cycles to the reigns, the internal chronology
of the dynasty may be considered and affirmed quite
irrespective of the absolute dates in years B.C.
The beginning of the reckoning of the reign of
Tahutmes III. has been disputed, as we do not know
certainly whether he was a son of Tahutmes I., or of
Tahutmes II. As a list in the temple of Semneh is
dated in his 2nd year, and a papyrus in his 5th
year, there is a strong presumption that his earliest
EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY
regnal years could not have been contemporary with his
father's reign. This is also indicated by his sudden
activity in his 22nd year, after the 21 years 9 months'
reign of his sister Hatshepsut, according to Josephus.
These presumptions are firmly established when we
turn to the Sed festivals. Tahutmes III held his
festival (as we have just seen above) in his 33rd
year ; so the earlier one would fall in his 3rd year.
Now Hatshepsut celebrated her first Sed festival in her
1 6th year (see her obelisk), which is therefore the same
as the 3rd year of Tahutmes III. (a difference of 30
years being quite impossible) ; hence he began to reign
in her i3th or i4th year. And this exactly agrees with
the intervention of the 13 years' reign of Khebron,
Tahutmes II., contemporary with Hatshepsut. Thus
we see that Hatshepsut dates her years from her
association with her father at the end of his reign,
while Tahutmes III. dates his years from the end of his
father's reign, 13 years later. In considering these
years, we must always remember that, though the 22
years' reign of Hatshepsut is reckoned from her brother's
death, yet that her regnal years were at that point 13 ;
and that she reigned in all 13 + 22 35 years. The
dates of the heliacal rising of Sirius are as follow :
B.C. Shifting Months.
i, date of papyrus in gth year, Amenhotep I.
" ' (undated), Tahutmes I. obelisk.
i6th year, Hatshepsut, obelisk.
33d year, Tahutmes III., Bersheh.
fundated), Amenhotep II., pillar,
(undated), Amenhotep II.
(unrecorded).
(undated), Tutankhamen, tomb,
(unrecorded^,
(unrecorded).
4ist year, Ramessu II., El Kab.
2nd year, Merenptah, M. Habu.
Though the vanity of Ramessu II. led to his transferring
the astronomical cycle of 30 years to his personal reign,
and starting a series of Sed festivals on his 3oth year,
1546 Epiphi 9th, d
1526 Epiphi 14, fea
1498
21,
1470
28,
1434 Me
ore 7,
1406
H
1378
21,
135
28,
1294 Th<
th 7,
1266
14,
1234
22,
1206
29,
SED FESTIVALS 33
and even repeating* them every 3 years after that, such
a perversion does not affect the value of the regular
cycle for historical purposes. The years of the recur-
rence of the festival in the reigns of other king's, the
i8th year of Pepy I., the 2nd year of Mentuhotep II.,
the i6th of Hatshepsut, the 33rd of Tahutmes III., the
2nd of Merenptah, show absolutely that the cycle was
not a regnal feast but an astronomical one of regular
recurrence. And the occurrence of "the feast of 30
years " in the reign of Tut-ankh-amen, who reig^ned but
9 years, again shows that this refers to a fixed cycle.
We see, then, in the above list the dates of the
festivals of the heliacal rising of Sirius, at intervals of a
quarter month, later and later, in the calendar. Out of
eleven, four feasts are dated to the year in historical
records, three feasts are mentioned in the reigns in
which they are required to fall (all which reigns are
under 30 years, and need not therefore have included a
festival), and of only three feasts have no notice come
down to us. One of these, falling 1 in Akhenaten's reign,
is likely to have been omitted ; but we should certainly
hope some day to find a reference to the festivals of the
32nd year of Sety I., or the Qth year of Ramessu II.
The first datum, of the Qth of Epiphi, is the only one
which seems divergent from the chronology to which
we are led by Manetho, as the gth year of Amenhotep
I. appears to be nine years earlier than this, or Sirius
would have risen about two days earlier in his Qth year.
If we are to put full weight on this difference, it would
imply that the reign of Tahutmes I. must have been
shorter than is stated by Manetho. In another point
we may see an unexpected agreement. The "era of
Menophres," mentioned as the starting-point of the
Sirius cycle in 1322 B.C., has often been speculated on ;
but the best proposal yet made is that the name is
Men'peh'ra (Ramessu I.), for no king Men'nefer-ra
is known in history. Now, as we see, the date of
Ramessu I. here comes to 1328 to 1326 B.C. This
difference of four or five years may be due to a little
error on either side. But, in any case, the general
n 3
34 EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY [m. xvm. i,
agreement of these dates deduced from the festivals
with those of the lengths of the reigns, gives security
to the chronology ; it shows that in future we shall
probably only deal with rectifications of a few years, and
that no great uncertainty of generations or centuries
now rests on Egyptian history as far back as the
XVIIIth dynasty.
r *> i
V ^37 ^ ^ J[
XVIII. i. NEB-PEHTI-RA ^
V ^-^ ^ * j\ _
1562
s n ^.\
AAirMES
Coffin and mummy, Deir al Bahri, G. Mus. (Ms. M. 533).
Turrah Inscriptions (L.D. in. 3ab).
Thebes Brick building- (L.D. iii. 390).
Semneh, mentioned by Tahutmes II. (L.D. iii. 47 c),
(Private monuments)
Abydos, tomb Sa'ast (M. A. ii. 53 c).
Thebes/many steles now in Turin, etc.
El Kab, tomb Aahmes (L.D. iii. 12 a-d).
,, ,, Pen'nekheb (L.D. iii. 43 a-b,
L.A. xiv. A.B.).
Vase, alabaster G. Mus. (M.B. 536).
Hawk, blue glaze G. Mus. (M.D. 52 d).
Vase, ring form G. Mus. (W.G. 312). "**'
Amulets and scarabs.
Queen, NEFERTARI.
Coffin G. Mus. (Ms. M. 535).
Mummy G. Mus. destroyed.
El Bosra Inscription (L.D. Hi. 3c).
Karnak Statue (W.G. 316).
Model adze Turin (Rec. iii. 124).
Scarabs and cylinders.
Children (*female)
*Meryt-amen (Ms. M. 539, 620-2),
*Sat-amen, infant (Ms. M. 538, 620-2).
Sa'pa'ir, young- (Ms. M. 621).
*Aah*hotep, queen (Ms, M. 545, 620-2).
Amen'hotep I. (Ms. M. 536).
. *Sat*kames (Ms. M. 541, 620-2).
B.C. I587-I5&.] AAH-MES 35
By An'hapi, *Hent'ta'meh Ms. M. 622).
By Tent'hapi, *Hent*tamehu (Ms. M. 543, 623).
By Kasmut, *Tair (L.D. iii. 2 a).
By x, Sa'amen, 5-6 years (Ms. M. 538, Ms. G. 344).
By x y Turs (L.D. iii, 2 a, d).
By A;, Aahmes (L.D. iii. 2 a, d).
The great event of the reign of Aahmes was the war
by which he established his power at the beginning 1 of
his reign, that great war of independence which was
the most glorious page of Egyptian history. We have
already noticed the course of this in the previous
chapter. Within four or five years, Aahmes succeeded
not only in finally throwing off the suzerainty of the
Hyksos kings, but also in driving them out of the Nile
valley, in seizing on their great centre of Hauar in the
eastern Delta (probably Tanis), and in chasing them
across the desert into Palestine, where, in the fifth
year, he captured Sharhana, or Sharuhen, upon the
southern border, some miles south of Lachish. He also
pushed on into Zahi (Phoenicia), where Pen'nekheb
states that he took ten hands (L.D. iii. 43 a). Having
then slaughtered the Mentiu of Setet, or the Bedawin
of the hill country, he turned back, and found the need
of his presence on the opposite frontier in the south.
The southern races appear to have pushed forward in
the rear of the Egyptians on their advance northward,
and to have needed repelling, as in the time of
Usertesen III. Going, therefore, up the Nile, he made
a great slaughter of the Anu Khenti, and is mentioned
at Semneh by Tahutmes II. (L.D. iii. 47 c).
His triumphant return, however, was greeted with
the news of outbreaks among the remains of the
Hyksos people. The expulsion of a race as a whole
cannot be effected after several centuries of occupation ;
and though the foreign army might be driven out, there
must have been a large part of the population of mixed
race, ready to tolerate the Egyptians if they were the
conquerors, but preferring an independent life. From
such a source were, doubtless, the two last outbursts of
the war. Aata seems to have been of a branch of the
5 6 NEB-PEHTI-RA CDYN. xvm. i.
Hyksos party who tried to make headway up the
country in the absence of Aahmes ; and Teta'an after-
wards was the head of a rising* of the half-breed race,
who refused to accept as yet the new
power of the Egyptians. Both were,
however, defeated summarily ; and after
that there seems to have been no further
trouble with the Asiatic people. The
FIG. ID. Scarab translation of the biography of Aahmes
of Aahmes. the admiral, which has supplied the
KP. Coll. foregoing 1 details, has been given in the
previous chapter.
After this we do not find any great events in this
reign. But apparently the organisation of the govern-
ment, and the repair of the ravages of war, occupied
the greater part of the time. After the victory in Syria
in the 5th year, and the southern campaign soon after
that, there is no mention of any date until the 22nd
year, when attention was turned to the rebuilding of
the principal temples in the capitals. That the most
important religious centres should have remained so
long without restoration, shows how much was needful
of the more essential material growth of the country,
before the objects of luxury and ambition could be
developed. It needed a new generation to arise, before
the desolation of the oppression and the war could be
recovered. ..^
The buildings at Memphis and Thebes have long ago
been swallowed up by later alterations and destruc-
tions, but the record of them is preserved in the
quarries of Turrah, near Cairo, where a royal seal-
bearer and companion, Neferpert, carved two tablets
dated in the 22nd year, recording the opening of
the quarries for building -stone for the temples of
Ptah at Memphis and of Amen at Thebes (L.D. iii,
3 a, b). Special interest attaches to these tablets, as
on one of them it is stated that the men employed were
of the Fenkhu, a Syrian people who have been generally
identified with Phoenicians, though jMuller, with his
characteristic negation, will not allow this to be so.
8.0.1587-1562.] AAH'MES 37
Also, below the tablet is a drawing" of six oxen attached
to a sledge on which is placed a large block of stone ;
they are attended by three foreigners with short beards.
Similar sledges were used in the Xllth dynasty, as
pieces of these were found broken up among the filling
of the Illahun pyramid.
The coffin and body of Aahmes were found at Deir el
Bahri. The coffin is of a new style, different from that
which had prevailed from the Xlth to the XVIIth
dynasty. It is still plain in outline, but is less massive,
more shaped to the figure behind, and painted yellow
picked out with blue, instead of being gilt all over. The
body of the king is fairly preserved, the head long and
FIG. ii. Oxen drawing sledg. Turrah.
small, the muscles strong and vigorous. He appears
to have been somewhat over fifty at his death. The
hair is thick and wavy, showing like Seqenenra that
shaving the head was not then the fashion. May it
be that the influence of the dominion of long-haired
foreigners had not yet died out? It is not till the
XlXth dynasty that a shaven head appears, that of
Sety I. The body has not yet been scientifically
examined.
The veneration for Aahmes, and still more for his
sister and wife Nefertari, was long continued, and is
more frequent than that for any other ruler. Setting
aside the examples which cannot at present be dated,
the following are the instances of this worship :
AAH-MES
[DYN. xvixf. t.
A.=Aahmes, N, = Nefertari, Am.=:Amenhotep I.)
Abydos . .
Anay adoring Osiris and
N ...
M A. 1080
Karnak . .
Nebsu adoring Sitamen,
Early
N., Am., Sapair .
M.D. 89.
XVIII.
Thebes . .
Hymn of praise to N. and
Pap. Tur. 27,
Am
28.
Thebes . .
Panekht. Tomb 50 .
C.N. i. 542.
Tahut. I. .
Edfu . .
luf adoring Am. and Aah'
hotep ....
Rec. ix. 93.
Tahut. II. .
Thebes . ,
. . . adoration to Am., N.,
Tahutmes I. and II.,
Sapair ....
Rec. iii. 113.
Tahut. III. .
Thebes . .
Senmen, priest of A., etc. .
L. D. iii. 25
bis g.
Tahut. IV. .
(P. Mus.) .
Pa'aa'aqa mentions the
god A
P.R. ii. 14.
Amenp. III.
(B. Mus.) .
Hor : pray suten'du'hotep
T.S.B.A. viii.
to Hor, Anpu, and N. .
144.
T stf>
Thebes . .
Unnef offering to Am. and
lactic
YVTTT
N. Tomb 40
C.N. i. 534.
W V ill.
(B. Mus.) r
. . . adoration to Am., N.,
and Sat'kames
A.B. 30.
Sety I. . .
Thebes . .
. . . offering to Am. and N.
Tomb 32
C.N. i. 520-5.
,, .
Qurneh . .
Sety offering to sacred
bark of N.
C.N. ii. 52.
M
(T. Mus.) .
Sety offering to Am. and
-!*.
N
Rec. iii. 113.
Rams. II. ,
Karnak . .
Ramessu adoring N. S.
wall, great temple .
L.D. iii. 147 a.
Ramesseum
Statues carried of A. and
Am. by priests
C.M. 149.
j> <
Qurneh . .
Ramessu offering to N.
Room Q .
L.D. iii. 151 c.
>
>
Ramessu offeringtoAmen.,
N., and Am. .
C.M. 150, 3.
M .
Ramessu dancing before
Amen and N.
C.M. 150, 2.
>
Sacred bark of N. borne
by 1 2 priests .
C.M. 150 bis.
t)
>j
i
Deir el . . <
Mcdineh . . <
\ Kasa adoring Am.. and N. i
[ Qen adoring Am., N., and j
> sister Merytamen . . <
! S.B.A.
| viii. 226,
c. 1587-1562.]
lams. II. .
WORSHIPPED AFTER DEATH
39
Qurneh . .
Qen, servant of
Am, On disc
Huy, priest of of
Am. stone,
Rec. iii. 103
Nebra, kherheb G. Mus.
'
of Am.
Am., Aah*
(T. Mus.) .
offetingt 6 " SaUmcn,"
L.A. xi.
Sapair
'
Thebes . .
Amenemapt adoring N.
and Am.
C.M. 153.
Thebes . .
Neferhotep offering to Am.
and N. Tomb 53 .
C.N. 549.
Thebes . .
Penbui offering to Am.,
N. x, Ramessu I., Hor-
L.D. iii 171
(Copenhagen)
Nebnefer adoring N. (older
stele usurped)
Rec. ii. 181,
Thebes . .
Anhurkhaui adoring A.,
N., Am., etc., etc.
L.D. iii. 2d
paintings of
N. and Am. .
L.D. iii. i.
Thebes . .
Khabekht adoring A., N.,
Am., etc., etc.
L.D. iii. 2 a
Karnak . .
Herhor adoring Amen,
Mut, Khonsu, and N. .
L.D. iii. 246
,, .
Graffito on temple of
Amenhotep II.
W.G. 315.
? .
? .
Rams. III.
Rams. IV.
Rams. IV.
Herhor .
XXI dyn.
There are, besides these, many examples of adoration
not dated, such as Unnefer (T. Mus. 1448), Thentnub
(T. Mus. 1565), Pa-nefu*errrdu*amen (T. Mus. 2430
and Rec. iii. no), Pa'neshi (T. Mus. 3053); the sedem
asht officials Uazmes (T. Mus. 1369), Hotepbuaa (T.
Mus. 1449), Pen'ta'en'abtu (T. Mus. 3032), Penbua
(Rec. ii. 119), and lairnuf (Rec. ii. 171). Also Tyuti
(Rec. iii. 109), Nebmes (Rec. xiii. 119), Mesamen
(W.G.S. 35), Ra (M.A. 1097), Zamerkau (Rec. ix. 39),
Aa (Rec. iii. 113), ....unba (Pr. M. 25, i), Nekht (CM.
162, 2), Ast (C.N. ii. 698), Dudua (Lieb. 553), etc.
From these it is seen that Nefertari was adored as a
divinity on the same footing as the great gods of Thebes.
She had a priesthood, and a large sacred shrine on a
40 AAH'MES [DYN. XVIH. t.
bark borne in processions ; and suten'du'hotep formulae
were recited to her. Of small remains of this reign
there are not many. An alabaster vase (G. Mus. ; M.B,
536) bears the name and the Hor nub title, thes taui.
A hawk in blue glazed ware bears the royal names
on the crown, and on the under side of the base are
three bound captives, negro, Libyan, and Syrian. A
ring-shaped vase is said to be in the Ghizeh Museum
(W.G. 312). Scarabs and amulets of this king are
common ; but are of no interest in the types, excepting
a plaque of green felspar with names of Aahmes on one
side and Amenhotep on the other, probably made in the
latter reign for some official who served under both
kings. (Abydos, M.A. 1421.)
NEFERTARI or AAHMES 'NEFERTARI
was the sister and wife of Aahmes ;
through her descended all the rights
of the royal line, and she was adored for many centuries
as the great ancestress and foundress. We have
already noticed her worship with that of her husband
and son. She is styled on contemporary monuments as
the " royal daughter, royal sister, great royal wife,
royal mother, great ruler (athy)^ mistress of both
lands" (L.D. iii. 3 a, b).
Her coffin was found at Deir el Bahri. It is made of
layers of linen glued together and covered with stucco.
Such a material would not well bear to be formed in long
flat masses, and the division of the coffin is therefore
around the middle, and not from head to foot. It is 10
feet 4 inches high ; painted yellow picked out with
blue, like the coffin of Aahmes. The arms are repre-
sented as crossed on the breast, holding an ankh in
either hand. The body is covered with an hexagonal
network in relief, and the wig with a chevron net.
Within this great coffin were two mummies, one of
Ramessu III. ; the other was unnamed j and probably of
this queen. Unhappily it was left without examination
for over four years, amid the damp of the Nile shores ;
B.C. 1587-1562.]
NEFERTARI
it was then found to be decomposing 1 , and was "pro-
visionally interred," without any scientific study of its
characteristics. The racial details would have been of
the highest interest, in
comparison with the rest
of the family. Thus dis-
appeared the most vener-
ated "figure of Egyptian
history.
A seated statue of the
queen now headless
lies at Karnak, in the
first court, behind the
obelisks (W. 0.316); and
several smaller statuettes
are known, one of stone
(T. Mus.) and four of
wood (T. Mus. Berl. Stutt-
gart). A small model
adze, nen> of wood bears
her name (T. Mus. ; Rec.
iii. 124). Many scarabs
of hers are known, but
^none are of importance.
A piece of open work in
wood shows Nefertari
and Amenhotep seated
(T. Mus.).
The family of Aahmes
was numerous, and needs
some notice. His wife
and also his children
frequently adopted the
name Aahmes within their
cartouches ; and all his
children, except Sapair, _ **.**<*. f
have their names in car- Fia x *- Coffl & hmes Nefertan -
touches. There was thus
an irregularity in the usage which is not found at any
other period.
AAH-MES
[DYN. XVIII. X,
The principal authority that we have for the family is
through the subsequent worship of them. The two
tombs which we have named
before, Anhurkhaui (L.D.
iii. 2 d) and Khabekht
(L.D. iii. 2 a) agree in
naming the following per-
sons, after the ascending
line of Amenhotep, his
father or mother, and his
grandmother ; they are,
therefore, according to all
analogy, his brothers and
sisters, namely, *Meryt"
amen (*Tair, mother
*Kasmut), *Sat*amen,
Sa'amen, *Sat'kames,
*Henfta-meh, *Turs,
*Aahmes, Sa'pa'ir (females
marked *). Those in loops
here occur only in the
second of these tombs ; and
from Tair being a royal
sister and Kasmut a divine
mother, it appears as if
FIG. 13.- Statuette of Nefertari.
Turin.
Tair was an early child of
Aahmes, and therefore irri-*"
portant, but by a wife
Kasmut who was not in the royal line of descent. The
other children were mostly found at Deir el Bahri.
Meryt/amen A mummy falsely labelled as hers p. 539
Sat'amen Coffin and mummy (false) Died an infant 538
Sa'amen Coffin and mummy Died an infant 538
Ametrhotep Coffin and mummy 537
Aah'hotep Coffin (no mummy) 545
Sat'kames Mummy only Died about 30 541
Also Hent'tamehu, coffin and mummy, dau. of Thenthapi 543
Mes'henfthemhu, coffin and mummy (false) 544
FAMILY
43
The pages refer to the account of the remains in
Ms. M. How many of these were born of Nefertari is
not certain. But it seem probable that the order was
Died young-
Died infant
Died young 1 , heir
Died infant
FIG. 14. Plaque
of Merytamen.
F.P. Coll.
Meryt'amen Eldest dau. of Nefertari
Sat'amen Second dau. of Nefertari
Sa'pa'ir Eldest son of Nefertari
Sa'amen Second son of Nefertari
Aah'hotep Third dau. of Nefertari Queen
Amenhotep Third son of Nefertari King
Sat'kames Fourth dau. of Nefertari Died about 30
The special worship of these first four children, al-
though three of them certainly died young,
points to their having been elder than the
reigning survivors ; only such a preced-
ence would be likely to ensure the con-
tinued adoration of mere infants. Also,
either Amenhotep I. or Tahutmes I. must
have been born rather late in the family,
in order to fill out the length of the
reigns. This mortality of these children
would therefore account for the time
elapsed.
Of the other children, Hent'tamehu was born of the
royal daughter Thenthapi, as inscribed on her bandages
(Ms. M. 544). She lived till the next
reign, as she is called royal sister on
her coffin, and on a contemporary
slab of sculpture (Fig. 15) (F.P. Coll.).
Hent'ta*meh was born of the queen
Anhapi (C.N. 513 ; L.D. iii. 8 a).
Tair was born of Kasmut, probably
(L.D. iii. 2 a). There has been a
question as to the prince Sa'pa'ir,
whose name often occurs, and who
seems to have died young ; from his
prominence he was probably the
heir, but it was debated whether
he can be the same as the king
(Ahmes'sa'pa'ir), whose tomb was examined by the
Ramesside inspectors and found intact. Noting how
FIG. 15. Inscription
of the Princess
Ahmes-hcnfta-meh.
Qurneh, F.P. ColL
44
AAH-MES
[DYN. xvm. x.J
loosely cartouches were employed at this time, and how
most of the family of Aahmes have his name included
with theirs, it seems probable that these two names
belonged to one person ; and the matter is settled by a
part of a stele erected by him, on which he is called
"the king's son Aahmes who is named Sa'pa'ir"
(P.P. Coll.). The difficulty that he is called king in
the Ramesside papyrus is perhaps most likely disposed
of by the possibility of the scribe having dropped
out sa from the title sa mien, or king's son. No
other king in that document
is mentioned without the
double cartouche, except
Antef IV., who may not
have had a second name ;
and therefore, as this car-
touche is single, it is the
more likely to belong to a
king's son. A limestone
stamp for (Sa*ra*sa*amen)
found at Thebes is exactly
like another for (Seqenenra) .
But as no earlier Sa'amen is
known, it seems not unlikely
that these stamps might
F by 'STki^-f ^^^Thta both have been mad . e at th
name is Sa -pa -ir," with figure of same time for sealing en-
F P P CoT aS a b y ' QUrneh> dowment property of the
tombs. The title Sa'ra
might be given perhaps to the king's son during his
minority, as he was of the divine descent (M.D. 52 b).
A scarab (B. Mus.) may belong to this prince (P. Sc.
8 53)- .
A limestone base of a head- rest (?) is inscribed,
u Made by the hon kay of (Mert'amen) Amenhotep.
Hathor over Thebes" (P.P. Coll.) ; and a bar of wood
bears the name of the * ' royal sister (Aahmes, Amen'mer ")
(F. Mus.; S. Cat, F. 1564). Two scarabs are known
(B. Mus. ; G. Coll. ; P. Sc. 854-5). Also a cone of Mahu,
chief priest of Meryt'amen (M.A.F. viii. 279, 72).
CB.C. 1562-1541-]
AMENHOTEP I
45
XVIII. 2. ZESER-KA-RA
AMENHOTEP I.
FIG. 17. Cartouches from
carved wood. F. P. Coll.
Coffin and mummy, Deir cl Bahri
Inspection of tomb, Abbott Pap.
(Ms. M. 536).
(Ms. E. 223-4).
Karnak
Thebes
Deir el Bahri
Medinet Habu
Shut er Regal
Silsileh
Kom Ombo
I brim
Meroe
Granite jamb (L.D. iii.4a).
Seated statue, limestone (M.K. 380).
Named by Taharka (M.K. 42)].
Temple
Sketch on limestone, G. Mus. (V.G. 537).
Sketch on limestone, T.Mus.(Rec. iii. 124).
Statue, Turin Mus.
Bricks (L.D. iii. 6b).
Statue, limestone, G. Mus. (V.G. 698).
( Inscription (P.S. 480).
) Inscription of Penaati (P.S. 476).
Tablet of Paynamen ( L. D. iii. 200 b).
Door jamb (A.Z. xxi. 78).
King under canopy, stele (R.S. xxviii. i).
Wooden tablets (T. Mus. )
Statuette T. Mus.
Part of stele with head G. Mus. (V.G. 693)
Naos fragment
Black granite altar
Vase
Vase
Brick stamp
Wooden tablets
G. Mus.
Berlin (2292)
Berlin (1637 b)
Louvre
B. Mus. (5993)
Various
(L.T. 1372).
kW.G. 321).
(B.P. 12).
Cylinders, plaques, and scarabs.
Private monuments, contemporary?
Aahmes Tomb, El Kab (L.D. iii. 12 ; R.P. vi. 5).
Pen-nekheb Tomb, El Kab (L.A. xiv. A.B.; R.P. iv. 5),
Amenemheb Keeper of palace (Lb. P. 3).
Amenemhat Tomb, Qurneh
Hery Tomb,DrahNeg. (C.M. 51 j.).
Tahutmes Palette (Sabatier, Rec. xiv. 56).
46 ZESERKARA CDYN. xvm. 2.
Sen'em'aah Stele (G. Mus.; M.A. 1047),
Ha-nefer Stele (P. Mus. C. 47; P.R. ii. 48).
x, Am. I. and Nefertari offering (L.D. iii. 4 e).
Kars, stele, loth year An). I. (Rec. ix. 94).
Later?
Pen'amen, kher'heb of Am. I. P. Mus.
(P.R. ii. 64).
#, adoration of A
m. I. F. Mus.
(S. Cat. F. 1563).
Pentaurt statue, with ram's head. Vienna
Rec. ix. 50).
.r, stele, figures of Am. I. and Nefertari. B.
Mus.
H.B. ix. i).
Pa 'amen, part statue. F. Mus.
S. Cat. F. 1723).
Nekht adoring Am. I. and Sapair
R.S. xxix. 3).
Coffin, with Am.
I. as sphinx. Mealeli
(Rec. ix. 82).
Am. I. and Tahut. I. adoring gods. B. Mus. (H.B. i).
Kaha offering to
Am. I., time of Rams. 11
(H.B. v. i).
x adoring Am. I.
and Rams. II. Pisa
(Rec. i. 136; iii.
103).
Amenhotep, priest of Am. I. Book of Dead (Deveria Cat. 56).
Amen'mes, ,,
,, Tomb. Thebes (R.S. iii. 181).
Pa 'shed
Altar. B.
Mus. (Lb. D. 566).
Hayt
Stele. B.
Mus. (Rec. ii. 186).
Amennekhtu
Statuette Leyden
(Rec. iii. 104).
Nekhtu
Statuette Berlin
(W.G. 321).
Anhurkhaui
Tomb, Ram. IV. Thebes
(L.D. iii. 2 d).
Khabekht
Tomb Thebes
(L.D. iii. 2 a).
Ta'nezemt adoring Am. I. Papyrus, XX. dyn.
Turin (L.T. 1784).
Ankh'f'en'amen, coffin, Isis, Am. I. and Nebhat
Helsingfors (Lb. P. 71).
(Besides those in list of adorers in previous reign, see p. 38.)
Queens AAH'HOTEP II. Coffin, Deir el Bahri.
~ SEN'SENB Ostrakon (A.S. xxix. 117). *
Temple of Deir el Bahri.
Children (by Aah'hotep)
Amen'mes Tomb of Paheri (N.A.P.X.).
Uaz-mes Tomb of Paheri (N.A.P.X.).
Aah'mes, afterwards queen.
Nebt'ta Scarab (F.P. Coll.; L.K.
328).
Mufnefert Statue at Karnak (M.K. 38 b 4).
(by Sen'senb)
Tahutmes I. Ostrakon (A.Z. xxix. 117).
Temple of Deir el Bahri.
For the events of this reign we are "dependent on the
biography of the admiral Aahmes at El Kab, which
B.C. 1568^x541.]
AMENHOTEP I
47
we have before quoted in the previous reign of king*
Aahmes, and the repulsion of the Hyksos. At the
beginning of this reign Aahmes was about 44 years
old ; and he relates : "It was my lot to convey king
Zaserkara, makheru^ on his journey up to Kush for
the purpose of extending the frontiers of Egypt. His
majesty smote that An Khent in the midst of his
troops ; brought bound, not one was lost, journeying
and leaning over (wearied) as those who exist not.
"Behold I was at the head of our soldiers, and I
fought in very truth. His majesty was witness of my
valour as I carried off
two hands and brought
them to his majesty.
We pursued his people
and his cattle. I took
a living prisoner and
brought him to his
majesty. In two days
I brought his majesty
back to Egypt from the
upper well. And I was
presented with the
gold, and two female
slaves, and . . . beside
those which I had
brought to his majesty,
and I was raised to the
dignity of " Warrior of
the king." The sub-
sequent part refers to the next reign.
Another important account is that of Pen'nekheb at
El Kab, who also lived through the earlier part of this
dynasty. Of this reign he says : " I followed the king
Zaserkara, makheru. I took for him in Kush one
prisoner alive " (L. A. xiv. A. B.). And again he states
that on the north of the Amukehak he took three
hands (L.D. iii, 43 a).
From these accounts we see that one Nubian cam-
paign was a brief one, a mere raid to sweep the country
FIG. 18. Head of Araenhotep I.
48 ZESERKARA [DYN. xvm. 2.
and crush any opposition ; and there is no evidence of
any subsequent war there. The capture of the fighting
men, and driving of them down into Egypt as slaves,
bound and exhausted, almost dead with fatigue in the
forced march, is put in a few words. But another
important war was that against the Amukehak, who
appear to have been a Libyan race, part of the
Tahenu or "fair people." There had long been
occasional war on this side of the land. Herkhuf had
joined in plundering the Temehu of the oases, in the
Vlth dynasty. The western people had occupied Upper
Egypt in the Vllth-IXth dynasties. Usertesen I. had
attacked the oases or the Natron lakes in the expedition
mentioned by Sanehat. But the rising power of the
XVIIIth dynasty was quite able to overcome any
opposition in that quarter ; and Amenhotep rested
secure in his triumph on the south and west, and in his
father's triumph on the north.
The tomb of Amenhotep was visited by the Ramesside
inspectors, who give a longer account of it than of
the others. Its place is at present quite unknown.
They state : " The eternal setting (horizon) of the king
(Zesarkara), son of the sun (Amenhotep), which has
1 20 cubits of depth in its great hall, as well as the long^
passage which is on the north of the temple of Amen-
hotep of the garden (on which the chief Pa'sar of the
town made his report to the monarch Khamuas, to the
royal officer Nessu'amen, to the scribes of Pharaoh, to
the keeper of the house of the divine adoress of Amenra
king of the gods (i.e. the queen), to the royal officer
Ra'nefer'ka'envpa'amen, to the herald of Pharaoh, to
the supreme magistrates, saying, * The robbers have
robbed it ' ) ; examined this day, it was found intact
by the masons " (Ms. E. 223-4). We may notice that
this tomb was peculiar among those examined for the
great depth of the excavation into the rock, over 200
feet long. No other tombs on this outer face of the
cliffs approached this extent, the long tombs being all
B.C. 1562-1541.}
AMENHOTEP I
49
on the other face of the cliff
in the valley of the Biban el
Meluk. This was, in fact,
the first of the class of long"
sepulchres which prevailed
in the XVIIIth-XXth dynas-
ties. The exact position of
it is yet unknown, but the
temple of Amenhotep has
been found (in 1896) on the
edge of the desert by Drah
abul Negga.
The coffin and mummy of
the king were in the great
find at Deir el Bahri. The
coffin is as simple in form
as those of the Xlth and
XVI Ith dynasties; but is
much poorer, being only
painted and not gilt. It is
remarkable that none of the
coffins of this or later dynas-
ties approach the magnifi-
cence of those which went
before ; the despised Antefs
and the obscure Seqenenra
and Aah'hotep lay in far
grander state than any of
their successors. Apparently
the attention arid care were
directed from the casing of
the body to providing the
enormous halls and corridors
cut in the rock, which then
came into fashion. The
coffin of Amenhotep shows
the rise of the bands of
hieroglyphics across it, which
were simulated from the
bandages of the mummy Fia i^-^offin o^fAmenhotep i.
50 ZESERKARA TDYN. xvni
within, and which bore inscriptions adoring" the fo
genii of the internal organs. On the mummy is a mai
of wood and cartonnage, like that of the coffin outsid
D The body is surrounded by wreaths, and has not y
* ^n examined (Ms. M. 536).
adorning tff bu i^ at Karnak ; probably adding to ai
granite jamljP old temple of the Xllth dynasty,
hard stone./ remaining shows that he worked
these (M.$ f He a ^ so placed statues there: one
rearranged^* 3^c and text) was later removed ai
tion in hi^ ky Tahutmes III., who added an ihscri
and the h(* s 22nd year ; this is of silicious Hmestor
middle c jfea( ^ is somewhat injured ; it is placed at t
I (No/*f the west wing of the pylon of Tahutm
from Tfi lx - Baedeker). Another statue, perha
arnak, is at the Luxor Hotel, but is mu<
(W.G. 320). A very fine statue was foui
/edinet Habu (G.Mus. V.G. 698) with a figu
efertari on the back-pillar, and the name of Se
5ded. A limestone statuette of delicate work
Ibtless from Thebes (T. Mus.; L.T. 1372). T\
fetches on flakes of limestone (also from Thebes
re, one in Turin (Rec. iii. 124) and one at Ghiz
.G. 537)-
Amenhotep also built on the western side of t
river ; we have already seen the mention of his temp
in the Abbott papyrus, and Lepsius brought a brick
his from Deir el Bahri (L.D. iii. 6 b).
Above Thebes the royal architect Penaati records h
office under Amenhotep I., and three following king
on the rocks at Shut er Regal (P.S. 357, 476). Anoth
graffito, near that, names Amenhotep as " beloved
Horus, lord of Mehit " ; that is, the capital of tl
Oryx nome. And at Silsileh Paynamen carved a figu
and inscription of the king. This activity in the san
stone region accords with the adoption of this sto
for building material in the XVIIIth dynasty, in pla
of the limestone which had been mainly in use befoi
B.c.is6a-is4.) AMENHOTEP I 51
At Kom Ombo a door jamb bears the names of this
king (A.Z. xxi. 78).
In Nubia a large scene at Ibrim shows the king
seated under a canopy, attended by two fly-flappers
and a fan-bearer ; behind the scene is the goddess Sati,
standing as protecting him (R.S. xxviii. i). And at
Meroe were found small wooden tablets engraved with
figures (T. Mus.; see below).
Of monuments from unknown sites are, a good
head and cartouches (from part of a private stele of
Pa*fu'n*amen) in the Ghizeh Museum (V.G. 693) ; the
fragment of a naos (G. Mus.; W.G. 321); a black
granite altar at Berlin (2292) ;
two vases, one in Berlin, with
mark of contents of n hins,
holding 317 cub. ins., or 28^8 for
the hin (W.G. 321); the other
vase in P. Mus. ; and a brick
stamp (B. Mus., B.P. 12). The
small wooden tablets with carved
faces, incised and filled in with
blue, are found in several
museums ; they evidently come
from one hand, but may have F !- ao.-Wooden tablet,
, ,. 1 for , Amenhotep I. Brit. Mus.
been discovered in different sites. *
The subjects are the king riding in a two-horse chariot
(B. Mus., A.B. 30), the king smiting down enemies
(five in P. Mus., from Salt Coll., R.S. iii. i. 107 ; Tav.
ii.), and one in Turin, said to be from Meroe, with two
cartouches placed on the sam and lotus.
Scarabs are very common in this reign, many of
peculiarly rough work ; there are also some square
plaques, and two cylinders. One cylinder has figures
of the king standing (P.P. Coll.); a scarab (P. Mus.)
has the king spearing an enemy, accompanied by a
hunting leopard. A carnelian stone (G. Mus.) shows
an entirely new system of patterning, by altering the
texture of it to opaque white ; the subject is the same
as the last, but around it are circles of small dots, with
a larger one in the midst of each circle : as such a
ZESERKARA
[DVN. xviii. 2.
pattern is distinctively foreign (Mediterranean), it points
to this process belonging to foreign work. The private
remains bearing the name of the king are none of
particular value historically, and are sufficiently in-
dicated in the list at the head of this reign.
FIG. 21. Scarab
of Aalrhotep.
F.P. Coll.
AAH'HOTEP II. The coffin of this queen, who trans-
mitted the line of royal descent, was found at Deir el
Bahri. It is like that of her mother
Nefertari, already described p. 40 ; and
its internal size effectually proves that it
belongs to a different queen from that
of the coffin in which the jewellery was
found (Ms. M. 545). Scarabs of the
queen are known (Louvre; F.P. Coll.),
and also a glazed stone menat(F.P. Coll.).
We now reach another of the tangled questions of
the family history. Amen'mes has been regarded as a
son of Tahutmes I., and with him goes also Uazmes,
his brother, as stated in the tomb
of Paheri. The best ground for
this view is the inscription of the
4th year of Tahutmes I. by the
" king's great son, commander of
the troops of his father." This is
prima facie ground for ascribing
Amenmes as son of Tahutmes I.;
but the inscription only states that
he commanded his father's troops,
and not who his father was. On
considering the ages, difficulties
at once appear. For, at the first
glance, Tahutmes II. was about
30 at his death (Ms. M. 547),
reigned 13 years, and therefore succeeded at 17, and
was born in the 8th year of the reign of Tahutmes I.
Is it likely that Tahutmes I. would have a son old
enough to be commander-in-chief in the 4th year of
his reign, and yet be succeeded by a son born in the
B.C 1563-1541.] AAH-HOTEP 53
8th year of his reign ? His successor would then be at
least twenty to thirty years younger than his eldest son.
When we look in more detail into the ages which are
indicated, we find greater difficulties. For Tahutmes I.
to have a son commander in the 4th year of his reign
would necessitate a series of extreme suppositions,
that Amenhotep I. and Tahutmes I. each had their
successors born when only 18 (leaving no room for
earlier daughters or children who died), and that
Amenmes was commander-in-chief at 18. Nor can
these reigns be much lengthened, even if we threw
over all Manetho's statements of reigns, as we are tied
by the old ages of Aahmes the admiral, over 90 when
his tomb was inscribed under Tahutmes II., and
Pen'nekheb, over 77 at the carving of his tomb under
Tahutmes III. As Hatshepsut was the
eldest daughter, it would imply that she
was about eighteen or twenty years
older than her husband Tahutmes II.,
and was not married, therefore, till she
was about 35 or more. All of this is
unlikely. And all the difficulty is avoided FIG. 23. Scarab
if Amenmes was commander of the ]p/ciL mcs '
troops of his father Amenhotep, while
dating his monument after his father's death in his
brother's reign.
To render the relative ages clearer, we will here
arrange the succession according to the indications
that we have, resuming it from the table given before
on p. 3, and premising, as before, that the use of this
method is to show if any incongruity arises among the
data, and not to assert the exactitude of every detail,
since many points depend on the more or less vague
elements of age.
54
AMENHOTEP I [DYN. xvm.a.
g
*
& .
S-3 *"
J3 OJ ,J
en a;
S Q-rt
utmes
eeds
a "
^ r)- 10 r>.
O N M w
c/> rt rt 4> . rt
"1*8 2!- . e
O t-QQ O O O
HH N ri co
45
Hill
*-* <f>& *->
s s^ s
e S 3 ~
S -fl 3 7>
I ^^^-ti^
H
O O N CO Th M
*.*
^l-i-3
II
<J E<qH
DON iO^
jp iOlO/>i/5iOiO"5VO
B.C. I5 62-i54i.] ROYAL FAMILY 55
The data of this arrangement, outside of the
chronology and lengths of reigns, as already stated,
are as follows :
Amenhotep I. presumably married Aah'hotep when
about 20, and Tahutmes I., son of queen Sen'senb, is
not likely to have been much younger than his wife
Aahmes, daughter of Aah'hotep.
Tahutmes I. presumably married Aahmes in 1544,
at about 20. Neferkhebt was the elder daughter
apparently, and Hatshepsut was probably therefore
born about 1 540 or later.
Tahutmes II. died at about 30 in 1503, and was
therefore born about 1533, or seven years after Hat-
shepsut, and married, say at 17. Hatshepsut, therefore,
would not have married before 24 ; Neferu'ra was her
elder daughter, as she is called the " mistress of both
lands," or heiress ; and she died at the beginning of
the reign of Tahutmes III., as Pen'nekheb in extreme
old age in that reign had brought up the deceased
Neferu'ra. He was born about 1580 (by his services),
and would therefore be 66 at the death of Neferu'ra.
Merytra would therefore be born about 1512, after her
sister, as Neferu'ra was the elder. Nefenrra was not
married, and therefore died before the adolescence of
Tahutmes III. (L.D. iii. 20 c).
Tahutmes III. was probably the son of Tahutmes II.,
as we shall see farther on. It seems most likely that
he was born about the same time as his wife Merytra ;
and he is therefore entered here at the same date.
Amenhotep II. was son of Tahutmes III., as
recorded on the latter's bandages (Ms. M. 548). He
was also son of Merytra, as she was royal mother, and
accompanies him on the monuments. From the fact
that no wife of his is shown on monuments (which are
all of the earlier years of his reign), whereas his mother
appears, it seems plain that he came to the throne
quite young. He must then have been born when his
father and mother were advanced in life. If we place
his birth at about 1469, and suppose that he succeeded
at 20 years old, we cannot be far out.
AMENHOTEP I [DYN. xvm. a.
We now reach a very tight place in the chronology.
That Tahutmes IIL, Amenhotep II., Tahutmes IV.,
and Amenhotep III. succeeded as four generations,
father and son, cannot be well doubted. The first
link is fixed by the mummy bandages (Ms. M. 548) ;
the other three by the tomb of Horenvheb, where they
are definitely stated to be each sons of the previous
one (M.A.F. v. 434, pi. v.). Yet Amenhotep II. was
unmarried on his accession ; and his marriage, the
birth of Tahutmes IV., his growth and marriage, the
birth of Amenhotep III., and his growth up to ac-
cession, all have to come in the two reigns of 25 years
10 months + 9 years 8 months, or 35^ years in all.
That Amenhotep III. was no infant when he succeeded,
is proved by his slaying 102 lions between the ist
and roth year of his reign ; hence we cannot place his
age at accession below about 15, even supposing that
he began lion-hunting so early. This takes 15 off 35^,
leaving 19 years ; 2 must be deducted to the birth of
Tahutmes IV. after the unmarried accession of Amen-
hotep II. ; and thus Amenhotep III. must have been
born when Tahutmes IV. was but 17.
It is quite clear, therefore, that it is wholly impossible
to shorten these reigns below the figures of Manetho,
as has been proposed owing to the absence of monu-
ments ; and the principal amount, 26 years, is lately
verified by a date on a wine jar. In fact, a few
years more would render this history more credible.
Still it is not impossible, and unless some new details
appear, we must accept this, and observe that it
cannot be modified scarcely one year either way.
The only points that could give way to release the
close fit would be (i) the non-marriage of Amen-
hotep II. on his accession ; though, even if he had then
been married, his mother's prominence, to the ex-
clusion of a supposed wife, would imply his being yet
immature ; (2) the lengths of reigns in Manetho, which
are, however, on the contrary, too long already to
seem likely ; or (3) the proof that Tahutmes IV. was
son of Amenhotep II., for were they brothers, the whole
B.C. is**-'!*'.) ROYAL FAMILY 57
would harmonise well, but yet Horemheb can hardly
have made an error in the history of the period of his
own lifetime.
What renders these early accessions, of Amenhotep
II. at 20, and Tahutmes IV. at 24, the more likely, is
that both are represented as children in the tombs of
their nurse and tutor respectively. Had they been
elderly on their accessions, their childhood would have
been hardly so much thought of and commemorated.
To return, then, to the family of Amenhotep I., we
may assign to queen Aah'hotep the parentage of the
future queen Aah'mes, and probably also of the other
queen Mut'nefert and the princes Amen'mes and
Uaz*mes. Of the latter, a temple was erected at
Thebes, with a stele showing him stand-
ing behind his brother Tahutmes L,
adored by Tahutmes III.; other mention
of him is also found in the same building
(M.E. 5, n), which had been, however,
restored by Amenhotep III., a ring of FIG. 24. Scarab
whom was found under the threshold. ofNebta. F.P.
Nebt'ta was another daughter of Aalr Coll<
hotep, as stated by Lepsius (L.K. 328). A scarab of
hers is known.
From an ostrakon, and from the temple at Deir el
Bahri, we know that the mother of Tahutmes L was
named Sen'senb. It has been suggested that the
Tahutmes line was of a new family, by both father
and mother ; but we have seen how the old family
reverenced Tahuti along with Aah in the time of Kames,
so that the name may well appear in the Aahmes line.
And a strong evidence of his descent is given by his
wife Aahmes; she was called "lady of both lands,"
showing her royal heritage, and she was also " royal
sister," showing her husband's relation to her and to
the family. Above all, he calls himself " king's son of
a king's son," claiming descent from Amenhotep and
Aahmes (L.D. iii. 18).
AMENHOTEP I
[DYN. xvm. a.]
FIG. 25. Sensenb, mother of Tahutmes I. Copy
by Mr. Carter, Deir el Bahri.
tB.C. 1541-1516.]
TAHUTI'MES I
59
r o * *N
XVIII. 3. AA 'KEEPER "KA'RA 1 W j J 1
Mummy
Coffin
Deir cl Bahri
1516
B.C.
(Ms. M. 581).
(Ms. M. 545).
Nubt
Temple
Deir el Bahri
Temple begun
(C.M, 192, 5).
Deir el Medineh
Bricks
(L.D. iii. yf).
Medinet Habu
Offering- to Amen
(C.M. 195, 2).
n
Door
(L.D. iii. 27; i, 2).
Karnak
Pylons iv. v. viii.
(M.K. ii.).
Scene and inscription
(L.D. iii. 18).
Osiride figures
(M.K. text 28).
Pillars
(M.K. 2).
Obelisk
(L.D. iii. 6).
Portions of statues
(W.G. 328).
Aswan
Canal inscription
(Rec. xiii. 202).
Ibrim
Shrine
(C.L. 114).
Senineh
Kummeh
List of gifts
Temple
(L.D. Hi. 47 c).
(L.D. iii. 59 a).
Tangur (21 15' N.)
Tablet
(S.B.A. vii. 121).
Tombos (19 40' N.)
Steles
(L.D. iii. 5).
Arqo (19 27')
Stele
(W.T. 472).
Statue seated, diorite, T. Mus. (L.T. 1374).
(portrait in L.D. iii. 292,
Vase, glazed steatite B. Mus. 4762.
,, glazed pottery P. Mus. 502.
Menat blue glaze (Wiedemann Coll.).
Scarabs.
Queens AAHMES
Deir el Bahri
Ivory wand
Scarabs
MUT'NEFERT
Statue of Tahutmes II., Karnak (M.K. 38 b, 4).
Statue, Qurneh G. Mus. (V.G. 231).
Temple.
T. Mus.
(B. Mus., P. Mus.).
60 AA-KHEPER-KA-RA [DYN. xvm. 3-
Children ofAahmes
Khebt'neferu Deir el Bahri (L.D. iii. 8 b).
Hatshepsut ,, ,,
of Mut'nefert
Tahutmes II. Statue (above).
That Tahutmes was not co-regent with Amenhotep
for any length of time, is seen from the dating of a
record of a campaign in his second year. Moreover,
his coronation edict has been happily preserved, and
does not suggest any co-regency. It appears that
copies of the royal edicts were officially sent out, and
the copy of this despatch for Elephantine was for-
tunately recovered there lately (A.Z. xxix. 117). It
reads thus :
" A letter of the king to cause thee to know that
my majesty is risen as king on the throne of Horus,
without equal for ever. My titles are to be made as
Horus Ka nekht^ meryMaat ; Samuti Kha'em'nesert'aa*
pehti ; Hor'nub, Nefer renptit, sankh abu ; suten biti
Acrkheper'ka'ra; sa ra Tahuti'mes ; ankh zet er neheh.
Cause the offerings of the gods of Abu in the south to
be made by the will of the prince (l.h.w.) the king of
Upper and Lower Egypt, Aa'kheper'ka'ra.
" Cause thou that the oath be administered in the
name of my majesty (l.h.w.), born of the royal mother
Sen'senb. This is written that thou mayest know it,
and that the royal house is safe and strong.
" The first year, Phamenoth, day 21. Day of corona-
tion. "
This date, and the coronation of Tahutmes III. on
the 4th of Pakhons, give us some data to check the
months of the reigns according to Manetho. The
lengths of reign he states are Tahutmes I., 25 y. 4 m. ;
Tahutmes II., 13 y. ; Hatshepsut, 21 y. 9 m. Hence,
placing in order the months in question thus, we
have
Mekhir, before 2ist Hatshepsut dies
Phamenoth 2ist, Tahutmes I. begins
D.C. ISO-is^.] TAHUTI-MES I 61
Pharmuthi, wars of Tahutmes III. beg-in
Pakhons 4th, Tahutmes II. dies
4th, Tahutmes III. begins
about 4th, Tahutmes II. begins
Pauni,
Epiphi, about 2ist Tahutmes I. dies.
Thus we see that Tahutmes II. dated his reign a few
weeks before the death of Tahutmes I. ; probably on
being" associated at the occasion of his early marriage
with Hatshepsut, who was already named successor to
Tahutmes I., between the months of Mekhir and
Mesori (see obelisk inscriptions).
The interval between Hatshepsut's death and the
beginning of the active wars of Tahutmes III. was
very short. It is indicated thus: Tahutmes began
his campaign in his 22nd year in Pharmuthi, and passes
in the history immediately to Pakhons in his 23rd year ;
hence he began after 21 years n months of regnal
inactivity. Now Hatshepsut reigned 21 years 9
months according to Manetho, from Tahutmes Ilnd's
death, leaving only two months for Tahutmes III. to
have organised his campaign, so soon as he was master.
The coronation of Hatshepsut on Thoth ist (Rec.
xviii. 102) would show that little over a month elapsed
between her father's death on Epiphi 2ist, and the
ceremony of her crowning, probably postponed a little
to bring it on the New Year's feast. We now see
how these years and months of reigns show no dis-
crepancies with the official dates that are preserved ;
but, on the contrary, throw additional light upon the
facts.
Of the wars of Tahutmes I. we know buj; little. The
invaluable biographies of Aahmes and Pen'nekheb at
El Kab are again our best resource. Aahmes relates
" It was my lot " (at about 65 years old) " to convey
62 AA'KHEPER-KA'RA [DYN. xvm. 3-
king Aa*kheper*ka*ra (makheru) on his journey up to
Khent'henrnefer for the purpose of chastising the
disturbance among the tribes, and of exterminating the
raiders from the hills. I displayed valour upon his
[ships ?] on the bad (?) water in the [rescuing ?] of the
ships at the overturning " (or " at Ta Penayt "), " and I
was raised to the dignity of a captain-general of the
marines. His majesty " [one line unengraved ?J " His
majesty became furious at it like a panther, and he
shot his first arrow which stuck in the breast of that
wretch ; and these [fled ?] fainting before his asp : " (the
royal emblem on the cap). " Then was made of them in
an instant . . . Their people were carried off as living
captives. His majesty returned down the river, all
regions being within his grasp. That vile Anu of
Khent was kept with his head down in evil plight when
his majesty landed at Thebes.
" After this he went to the Ruten for the purpose of
taking satisfaction upon the countries. His majesty
arrived at Naharina (Upper Mesopotamia) ; he found
that enemy who had plotted conspiracy. His majesty
made a great slaughter of them ; an immense number
of live captives were carried off by his majesty from his
victories.
" Behold, I was at the head of our soldiers, and his
majesty saw my valour as I seized upon a chariot, its
horses, and those who were on it as living captives ; I
took them to his majesty, and I was once more
presented with the gold. I have grown up and have
reached old age" (over 90 then), "my honours are
like . . . and I shall rest in my tomb which I myself
have made" (L.D. iii. 12).
Pen'nekheb states: "I followed the king of Upper
and Lower Egypt, Aa'kheper-ka'ra (makheru) : I took
for him in Kush two prisoners alive, beside the
prisoners brought by me from Kush, I do not reckon
them" (L.A.^xiv. A.B.). Again he mentions the Kush
campaign in another passage (L.D. iii. 43 a). And he
also went in the Syrian war: "Again I acted for the
king Aa'kheperka'ra, makheru : I took for him in the
B.C. 1541-1516.]
TAHUTI-MES I
land of Naharaina 21 hands, a horse and a chariot"
(L.A. xiv.).
Of the Nubian war there are several memorials far
up the Nile at Tombos. But the long- inscription there,
dated in his first year, does not contain any information,
beyond a high-flown account of all countries being
subject to the king.
FIG. 26. Head of Tahutmes I. Deir el Bahri.
(From Egypt Exploration Fund.)
Of the Syrian war we learn further in the inscription
of Tahutmes III., when he states that "he placed
another where was the tablet of his father the king of
Upper and Lower Egypt, Aa'kheperka-ra" ; and
further, "His majesty came to the city of Niy on his
return. Then his majesty set up his tablet fa Naharaina
to enlarge the frontiers of Kemi " (L.A. xii.). This
points to the limits of the conquests of Tahutmes I.
6 4
AA'KHEPER-KA'RA
[DYN. XVIH. 3.
having been about the district of Niy, which seems
to have been on the Euphrates in the region of
Aleppo.
It appears, then, that Tahutmes I. must have had the
way paved for him by some unrecorded conquests of
Amenhotep ; as we see that early in his reign he claims
general sovereignty, and was soon able to push his
frontier as far forward as it was carried by the greatest
of his successors, Tahutmes III. He overran the
Ruten, or the hill country of Palestine, the land of
Naharaina, or northern Syria, and established his
frontier boundary on the Euphrates at the place where
his son also set up his tablet. Unfortunately we have
no detailed record of the cities or tribes subdued by
him, such as the later kings engraved, and cannot,
therefore, gain a more exact geographical account.
The coffin of this king was found in the great deposit
of Deir el Bahri. It was gilded and inlaid, but had
been stripped in ancient times. It had been usurped
by Pairtezem I. ; but
through all the changes
the name of the first
conqueror of Asia can
still be read (Ms. M.
545> 57o)-
The mummy, how-
ever, of Painezem was
found elsewhere, in the
coffin of Aah'hotep II. ;
and a nameless mummy
was found in the coffin
of Tahutmes. This body
Maspero inclines to be-
lieve to be that of
FIG. 2 7 .-Mummy of Tahutmea I. Tahutmes, replaced
there by - pious care
when Painezem's usurpation was reversed. The resem-
blance between this head and that of Tahutmes II.
B.C. 1541-1516.) TAHUTI-MES I 65
(Ms. M. vii. viii.) is adduced ; but a stronger likeness
of expression and character exists between the portrait
of Tahutmes I. at Deir el Bahri temple and the
mummy, particularly in front view.
The body shows unusual vigour and a fine form ; it
is very well preserved, but unhappily all the wrappings
had been destroyed, and so no evidence of the name
remained (Ms. M. 581). The locality and the por-
traiture is all that identifies it.
In the Delta and Middle Egypt no work of
Tahutmes I. has yet been found. At Nubt, near
Negadeh, he rebuilt the temple of Set, of which door-
jambs and a lintel of fine work were found lately.
At Deir el Bahri the temple may have been designed
under Tahutmes I., but the sculptures representing him
appear to be all due to his great daughter.
At Deir el Medineh bricks of his are found (L.D.
iii. yf.) ; but at Medinet Habu he founded one of the
most important temples of his family ; and the many
erasures and alterations of names are a study in family
antipathies. His cartouches have been altered from
Ra*aa*kheper*ka to Ra'ma'ka by Hatshepsut, and
again altered back again by Tahutmes III. (L.D. iii.
27, i, 2). The decoration appears to have gone on
but slowly, and to have reflected the many changes of
the time. The lintels of some doors were engraved by
Tahutmes I., while their jambs were by the third ;
other lintels are by the second, and their jambs by
Hatshepsut (L.D. iii. 27, i, 2). The first is seen
offering to Amen ; the second offering to Min ; the
third on his throne, with his wife Merytra behind him ;
or, again, hoeing up a foundation, showing that he
founded some parts of this temple (C.M. 195).
In the chapel of Uaz'mes (M.E. v.), a stele erected by
a tutor of that prince, figures Tahutmes I. and his
little deceased brother Uazmes, adored by Tahutmes
III. (M.E. ii.), nearly a year before Hatshepsut's death.
There is also a tablet of a tutor of the royal children of
Tahutmes I., probably the same person (M.E. vi.).
At Karnak a pylon (IV. Baedeker) fronting the
n S
66 AA-KHEPER'KA'RA IDVK. xvm. 3.
Amen temple was built by this king, and along the
inner face a row of Osiride statues of himself were
placed. Another pylon (IX. Baedeker) was also built
by him, although the decoration was finished by his
sons and Amenhotep II. It is on the north face of this
that an important inscription occurs, declaring the
co-regency of Hatshepsut. Tahutmes declares that he
has led the most distant people, that he has scattered
all trouble in Egypt, and put an end to crime and
destroyed impiety ; that he has brought order in place
of the rebellions which appeared in Lower Egypt.
Then he prays to Amen to give the lower and upper
country to his daughter the king Ma'ka'ra, as it has
been given to him (Mel. i. 46). Subsequently Tahut-
mes III. has altered Ma'ka'ra to Aa'kheperka'ra.
This document is almost more than an association of
Hatshepsut with the king ; it prays Amen to give the
sovereignty to the daughter as it had been given to the
father, making almost an abdication. This suggests
that it must have been at the end of the life of the king,
when he felt no longer able to rule. The reason
of placing the daughter in power rather than the son,
is seen in the ages. Hatshepsut was probably 24,
and doubtless showed already her vast abilities ;
while Tahutmes II. was probably not more than 17,
and was of no great strength. He was not married *io
his sister at the time of this inscription. So it appears
that on failing health the king placed the power in the
hands of his eldest child, who had the sole right to it
by the female inheritance ; and then, just a few weeks
before his death, married Tahutmes II. to her, perhaps
to ensure his receiving some respect for his position if
not for his character.
Two pillars of Tahutmes I. were re-used later on
(between pylons IV. and V. Baed.) ; but Mariette
attributes to this king all the pillars between pylons IV.
and V., and those east of pylon V. as well.
This king also placed one of the two obelisks in
front of his pylon ; but it has been disfigured by
Ramesside inscriptions crowded down the blank margins
TAHUTI-MES I
67
of the inscriptions (L.D. iii. 6). A base for a statue
remains in front of this ; and fragments of two statues
are seen in the place (W. G.
328). The fellow obelisk is due
to Tahutmes III. (M.K. ii.).
A very enigmatical block was
found here, of which no explana-
tion is yet possible. It has a
large cartouche horizontal ;
within that a small cartouche
vertical of Tahutmes I. ; on
one side of that "year 8," and
on a raised oval Ra'aa'kheper
and an inexplicable curl ; on
the other side a like oval, with
Ra % aa 'khepertefka 'khepermery,
and "year 6" (G. Mus.).
At Aswan an interesting
memorial remains of the cam-
paign of this king, and his
-passage up the old canal cut by
Usertesen III. for his Nubian
wars (see i. p. 179). The
viceroy of the south inscribed
the rock thus, below the names of Tahutmes I. : " Year
3, Pakhons aoth, his majesty passed this canal in force
and power in his campaign to crush Ethiopia the vile.
Prince Turo " (Rec. xiii. 202). Another inscription
after the titles states : " His majesty came to Kush to
crush the vile" (M.I. i. 41, 185). And a third (all
dated on the same day), after the titles, states: "His
majesty commanded to clear this canal, after he had
found it filled with stones, so that no boat could pass
up it. He passed up it, his heart rejoicing' 1 (M.I. i.
85, 13)-
At Ibrim is a rock shrine with figures of the king
seated between Tahuti and Sati (C.L. 114).
The frontier fortresses of Semneh and Kummeh,
which were so important under the Xllth dynasty
(see pp. 179-181), became again the keys of the south
FIG. 28. Part of obelisk of
Tahutmes I. Karnak.
68 AA'KHEPER-KA'RA [DYN. xvm. 3 .
lands under the XVIIIth. Tahutmes I. began the
rebuilding here, and a list of gifts to Amen bears his
name at Semneh (L.D. iii. 470) ; while at Kummeh his
sculptures were usurped by his son Tahutmes II.
(L.D. iii. 59 a).
Three records of his conquests remain in Ethiopia:
at Tangur (21 15' N.), on a rock 60 feet above the
Nile, is a record of the return of the king in his 2nd
year, with a convoy led by Aahmes, scribe of the
troops (S.B.A. vii. 121). And, farther still, at Tombos
(19 40' N.) is a large stele of the 2nd year, and several
smaller ones, referring to his conquests of the Nehasi
and of Kush. The historical details of these we have
already noticed. Lastly, at Arqo is a stele known as
" the golden stone " (W.T. 472).
Beside the royal monuments there are several private
inscriptions of interest.
A man named Amenhotep bears the title, " Chief
king's son of Aa'kheper'ka'ra " ; but as he is shown
offering to his father Tehuti'sena, and mother
Ta'hured, and to his brother Neferhotep, it appears
that this king's- son must be purely titular, and not
related to the king. The " king's son of Kush/' as the
title of the viceroy of Ethiopia, shows that there were
titular " king's sons " ; and this Amenhotep would
therefore be the chief of such a class (L.D. iii. 9).
Of the officials of this reign there are recorded
Penaati Director of works (P.S. 476).
Pu Great builder (A.Z. xix. 67).
Tehuti Director of hewers (E.L. 35).
Aa'kheper'ka Keeper of equipment (M.A.F. viii. 275, 64),
Userhat Keeper of the palace (Rec. iv. 125 ; L.T. 1456).
Sebekhotep Guardian of the palace (S. Cat. F. 1566).
Pet'en'ra Keeper of the cattle (M.A.F. viii. 289, 171).
x Tutor of the princes (M.E. vi.).
(The keeper of equipment, za'khau, is analogous to the phrase
"ship's husband.")
Of priests and adorers there are
Aa'kheperka'ra'senb, canopic jars, (W.G. 327).
P. Mus.
Amenemhat (under Tahut, III.) (L.D. iii. 29 c).
B.C. 1541-1516.]
TAHUTI'MES I
69
Neta Cone
Uaz'shemsu T, Mus.
Sebek'nekht Tomb
Sem'nefer T. Mus.
x (Siisileh) Tomb
Peirnekheb, hon ka (see p. 477
lufi, praising" Aahmes
(M.A.F. viii. 297, 261).
(Rec. ii. 172 ; L.T. 1457).
(C.N. 512).
Rec. iii. 113).
L.D. iii. 28, 4a-d).
L.D. iii. 43 H
Rec. ix. 93).
The king is also mentioned in some tombs at Thebes,
Nos. 9 (C.N. 501) and 30 of Amenhotep (C.N. 519) ;
and at Siisileh, in the tomb of Menkh (L.D. iii. 8c).
Of portable objects there is a seated statue in diorite,
about life size, in Turin (L.T. 1374) J a ^ so * wo ^ ra 8f"
ments of statues lying" still at Karnak, in the hall
behind pylon V. A seated colossus remains in front of
pylon VIII. at the west end, which was erected by
Tahutmes III. in his 42nd year in honour of his father
(Mel. i. 46). Two vases and a menat are noted above
in the list. Of scarabs there are many, and some
peculiar types ; one has the ka name down the middle,
between the repeated throne name (P. Mus.) ; another
has a sphinx with the name, and on the back instead of
a beetle a kneeling" figure
(P.P. Coll.); another has the
joint cartouches of Tahutmes
I. and Hatshepsut, she being
named sa ra (P. Mus.) ; this
was probably made during
the brief co-regency at the
end of his reign. Of both
this king and Hatshepsut
there are unusual scarabs
with the kor nub name and the uraeus and vulture
names.
Of Queen AAHMES a few objects remain. Her
portraits appear at the temple of Deir el Bahri ; an
ivory wand in the form of an arm bears her cartouche
(T. Mus.) ; and two scarabs of her are known (P. Mus.,
B. Mus.).
Sat *amen, this king's supposed sister and wife, has
been regarded as of far more importance than is war-
Fig-. 29. Scarabs of Tahutmes I.
Louvre.
TAHUTI-MES I
[DVK. xviii. 3.
ranted, owing- to the mistake of attributing a reign in
Manetho to her instead -of to Hatshepsut (C.B. i. 27).
FIG. 30. Head/ of Queen Aahmes,
Deir el Bahr/ 1 - (From Egypt
Exploration iFund. )
FIG. 31. Queen Aahmes. From a
photograph by Mr. H. Carter.
In fact, ^o trace of this supposed queen is to be found,
except a green glazed steatite toilet-box in the Louvre
FIG. 32. Ivory wand of Aahmes. Turin.
(P. Sc. 852) ; there is no evidence to whjat reign this
belongs, and there seems no reason why it should not
have been part of the outfit of the infant heiress of
FAMILY
Aahmes and Nefertari, thus setting aside altogether a
later and mythical Sat 'amen.
Of queen MUT'NEFERT a fine statue in sandstone was
found in the chapel of Uaz-mes (V.G. 231 ; M.E. i.).
It bears the inscription on the throne, " The good god,
lord of both lands, Aa*kheper*en'ra (Tahutmes II.),
made by him his monuments of his mother, royal wife,
royal mother, Mufnefert, makheru" This queen was
FIG. 33. Queen Mufnefert.
Ghizeh.
Fie. 34. Princess Khebf
neferu. Deir el Bahri.
a daughter of Amenhotep, as she appears on the
statue of Tahutmes II. as the " royal daughter, royal
wife," at Karnak (M.K. 38 b, 4). The royal children
were the heiress Khebf neferu (L.D. iii. 8 b), who died
early, as she was not married ; and the great queen
Hatshepsut, who was married to her half-brother
Tahutmes II., the son of Mufnefert.
72 AA'KHEPER-EN-RA CDVN. xvm. 4.
XVIII. 4. AA-KHEPER'EN*RA( jrj, ^^ j ^.
1503
Coffin and mummy, Deir el Bahri (Ms. M. 545).
Deir el Bahri, temple, parts (L,D. iii. 17 a, 20 a).
(D.H. ii. 21).
Medinet Habu, temple, partn (C.M. 195, 4).
Bricks on west side (Pr. M. 23, 15).
Karnak, pylon IX. begun (L.D. iii. 14, 15, 16).
2 statues by pylon VIII. (M.K. 38 b, e).
Chambers X, Y, Z, Z 1 (C.N. ii. 145-6).
Esneh, red granite pillars (P.R. ii. 3, 43).
Aswan, inscription (L.D. iii. i6a).
Semneh, inscription (L.D. iii. 47 c).
Kummeh, alteration of Tahut. I (L.D. iii. 59 a).
Barkal (W.T. 472).
El Ayun, Oasis, Stele . (A.Z. 1876, 120).
Pakhen offering to T. II., stele, T. Mus. (L.T. 1458).
Penaati, director of works, Silsileh. (P.S. 476).
Isis and Horus. Lee Collection (Cat. No. 27).
Scarabs and cowroid.
Queens HATSHEPSUT.
ASET, wrappings of Tahutmes III. (Ms. M. 548).
Children^oy Hatshepsut} Neferu'ra, Assasif (C.M. cxcii. 3 ; cxciv.
i, 3; head best in
R.H. ii. 8).
M cry t * ra H at shep-
set
(by Asef) Tahutmes III. (Ms. M. 548).
That Tahutmes II. was not co-regent for any length
of time with his father, is shown by an inscription at
Aswan being dated in his first year. This records his
expedition to Kush. He states that he was " revered
in the lands of the Hanebu (or Mediterranean), and
that the Mentiirsetet and Anirkhent (north and south)
came with their offerings. His south boundary was to
B.C. 1516-1503.] TAHUTI-MES II 73
the opening of the level land, and his north bound to
the pehu of the Setit (the lakes of Syria), all these are
serfs of his majesty. His arms were not repulsed from
the land of the Fenkhu. . . . Then one came with
good news to his majesty, < that the vile Kush has
gone into rebellion ... to injure the people of Egypt,
and to raid their cattle, even beyond the gates which
thy father built in his victory to beat back the rebellious
foreigners, even the Anu'khent of Khent*hen*nefer,
being come to the north of the vile Kush ' . . . His
majesty raged at it like a panther. * As I live, as Ra
loves me, as my father lord of the gods praises me, I
will not leave a male alive.' He sent a great army to
the land of Khent in his good and victorious time to
overthrow the rebellious ; . . . this army of his majesty
overthrew these foreigners, they took the life of every
male according to all that his majesty commanded ;
excepting that one of those children of the prince of
Kush was brought alive as a live prisoner with their
household to his majesty, placed under the feet of the
good god. Behold, his majesty was seated upon the
throne when were brought the prisoners which the
army of his majesty were bringing. This nation being
made as bondmen of his majesty, as in old time. The
people rejoiced and gave praise to the lord of both
lands, exalting the good god." From this it is evident
that Tahutmes II. did not go to lead the campaign
himself, and this accords with his youth, being only
about seventeen at this time. Another war is men-
tioned by Aahmes Pen'nekheb, who states: " I followed
the king Aa*kheper*en*ra, makheru, I brought away
from the land of the Shasu (Bedawin) very many
prisoners, I do not reckon them. . . . the king
Aa'kheper'en*ra gave me two gold bracelets, six
collars, three bracelets of lazuli, and a silver war axe".
(L.A. xiv. ; R.P. iv. 8).
The temple at Deir el Bahri, which is mainly occu-
pied with the scenes of the expedition to Punt, must
have been begun to be sculptured toward the end of his
reign, as he only appears on some parts of it, and
74
AA -KHEPER -EN -RA
[DYN. xvm. 4,,
Tahutmes III. is more usually found there. This
agrees with the expedition having been made late in
FIG. 35. Mummy of Tahutmes II. Ghizeh. Profile and front view.
. 1516-1503.]
TAHUTI'MES II
75
his reign, in the ninth year (Rec. xviii. 103). Thus there
were but four years for the expedition and the sculp-
FIG. 36. Portrait of Tahutmes II.
FIG. 37. Coffin of Tahutmes 1 1.
turing before he died. Even during his life, Hatshep-
sut appears to have taken the leading part; as she
76 AA'KHEPER'EN-RA [DYH. xvm, 4.
well might, being so much older than he, and having
been associated on the throne before him. In short,
he appears to be solely the husband of Hatshepsut,
and not to have taken any important action in the
government. From his mummy it seems that he
was not healthy, nor of a strong frame like that of
his father or brother. And his early death bears this
out.
The great work of the temple at Deir el Bahri we
shall consider in the next reign, that of Hatshepsut,
who appears to have been the real author of it.
At Medinet Habu there is a scene of this king offer-
ing to Min (C.M. 195, 4). But most of the occurrences
of his name there are due to the need of filling in
some name over the erasures of Hatshepsut's name by
Tahutmes III. ; some places he filled in with his
father's, and some places with his grandfather's, over
the loathed cartouche of his great sister (L.D. iii.
7 a, b, c).
At Karnak was the principal work of this reign.
The pylon IX. was begun, and half of the doorway
inscription completed, the rest being filled in by
Tahutmes In. (L.D. iii. 16, d-g). Two statues before
this pylon are also of the builder. And several of the
chambers were decorated under him ; following Cham-
pollion's lettering, X shows Tahutmes II. offering to
Amen, but usurped by Hatshepsut, while Hatshepsut's"
original work in this room is unaltered ; Y has Tahut-
mes II. offering to Amen, perfect on the north side, but
usurped by Hatshepsut on the south ; room Z has bad
work of Tahutmes II. in part, and of Tahutmes III. in
the rest ; and room Z 1 has some fragments of a granite
doorway of Tahutmes II. So this decoration must
have been running on during the latter part of his
reign, and left unfinished at his death.
He also appears to have built at Esneh, as two
red granite pillars from there bear his name (both in
P. Mus.): one has titles and name,. " beloved son of
Sati" (P.R. 1i. 3); the other has been usurped by
Ramessu II., and is a fragment of an obelisk naming-
TAHUTI-MES II
77
the divinities Thenent and Menthu (P.R. ii. 43), These
pillars had probably been brought from Taud (opposite
Erment), which is named upon them.
At Aswan is the long inscription of the Nubian war
in his first year (L.D. iii. 16 a). Others have been
attributed to this king* (M.I. i.) ; but reading only
Ra*aa*kheper, they might as well be of Tahutmes I.
or of Amenhotep II., and are probably of the latter.
At Semneh, Tahutmes II. is named with his father
in an inscription recording gifts to Amen on the front
wall (L.D. iii. 47 c). And at Kummeh he has converted
the name of his
father into his own
(L.D. iii. 59 a).
At Barkal in Ethi-
opia, remains of
his are f o u n d
(W.T. 472).
In the Oasis of
El Ayun (Farafra)
is an inscription of
this reign seen by
Ascherson (A.Z.
1876, 120).
Of private re-
mains there is the
stele (T. Mus.) of
Pakhen offering
to this king (L.T.
1458); and at Shut er Regal the graffito of Penaati, the
director of works (P.S. 476). The tomb of Pen'nekheb
at El Kab, which is of so much importance for the
preceding reigns, was made under this king, as also
the grey granite statue of Pen-nekheb (A.Z. xxi. 77).
Of minor remains, a statuette of Isis and Horus has
the name of Tahutmes II. on the side of the throne,
above groups of bound prisoners (Lee Cat. 27).
Scarabs are not common, and one with the ka name
is the only type of interest.
The queen Hatshepsut we shall notice by herself in
FIG. 38. Princess Nefrura. Deir el Bahri.
78 AA-KHEPER-EN'RA CDW. xvm. 4 -l
the next section. The daughter Neferirra was the
eldest, being the " lady of both lands, princess of the
north and south "; and she appears next behind Hatshep-
sut and Tahutmes III. in scenes. Yet she was never
married, which points to her early death before the
adolescence of Tahutmes III. As late, however, as
the 1 6th year of Hatshepsut, she
was alive, as Senmut was keeper
of her palace when he went to
quarry the great obelisks (L.D.
iii. 25 bis, q). This, therefore,
points to Tahutmes being then
FIG. 39. Scarabs of Nef- unmarried. Several scarabs of
rura. P.P. Coll. Neferu'ra are known. Meryfra
Hatsheps.et was the second daughter (shepset, singular,
distinguishes this from her mother, shcpsut^ plural) ; she
was the wife of Tahutmes III., " great royal wife,"
but not called heiress ; and she was the mother of
Amenhotep II. Two or three scarabs of her are known.
The descent of Tahutmes III. has been in much
doubt. That his mother was a concubine named Aset
is certain, but the evidence varies between Tahutmes I.
and Tahutmes II. as his father. The former king has
generally been credited, on the strength of a statue of
Anebni (B.M., A.B. 51), which names Tahutmes III.
as brother of Hatshepsut. But against this there is
the statue of Tahutmes II. (so named on the belt),
dedicated by Tahutmes III. to "his father" (M.K.
38 b, z) ; and in the tomb of Anna, Tahutmes II. is
said to have "joined the gods, and his son held his place
as king, and was prince on the throne of him who
begat him" (Rec. xii. 105-7). The last expression,
which is much relied on by Maspero (S.B.A. xiv. 178),
is not conclusive, as Tahutmes III. occupied the
throne equally of Tahutmes I. as of Tahutmes II. So
we have the expression "son" (Anna's tomb) and
"father" (statue) to set against the "brother" of
Hatshepsut (on Anebni's statue). Probably the phrase
brother is used for nephew here, or brother's son ; and
we should see in Tahutmes III. a son of Tahutmes II.
IB.C. 1516-1481.]
HAT-SHEPSUT
79
XVIII. 5 . f oj ?t
MAAT'KA'RA \^ 1 l
\\ B.C. 1516-1503
-JJ| with Tahut. II.
1*0^1481
HAT'SHEPSUT ^ f| l"^
(KhnunrAmen) \^ H AAAAAA
* ^ <r\ A$? 1 "N with Tahut.
^.^^l j m
U ^ AD 1 J\ in.
Wady Maghara Stele, i6th year
Sarbnt el Khadem Glazed bowls
Buto Seal of temple of Amen
Speos Artemidos Sculpture
Deir el Bahri Temple
Jurneh
Carnak
Medinet Habu
El Kab
Kom Onibo
Aswan
Bricks
Obelisks
Sandstone block
Chamber sculptures
Temple of Mut begun
Erased name
Bricks
Inscription
Gateway
Stele of Sen'mut
(L,D. iii. 28, 2).
(B.P. 56).
(Ms. G. 91).
(Rec. iii. i ; vi. 20).
(L.D. iii. 8-27; D.H.
passim, N.D.B.).
(L.D. iii. 25^/5, 26).
(L.D. iii. 22-24; R.P.
xii. 127 ; L.D. iii.
24 a-c).
(W.G. 338).
(C.N. ii. 145).
(L.D. iii. 7 a, b, c).
(L.D. iii. 26, 4).
(R.S. iii. i. 130).
(L.D. iii. 28, i).
(L.D. iii. 25 bis, q).
Stele
Stele
Stele
Statue
n
Statues, two
Dedicated to Tahut. I.
by Hatshepsut
Vatican
Ushabti
Box
Throne
Draughtboard
Set of draug-htmen
Part of cartouche
Lion's head draught-
man
Draughtboard
Plaque
G. Coll.
Headless, Berl.
Head of, Berl.
Leyden
Heads of
Hague
Deir el Bahri,
(L.A. xi.)
(Rec. ii. 128; C.N. ii.
700).
Biban el Meluk, B. Mus.
(L.D. iii. 25).
(L.D. iii. 25).
(A.Z. xii. 45).
(L.D. iii. 25).
(S.B.A. 1885, 183).
G. Mus. (Ms. M. 584).
G. Mus. (Ms. G. 123).
P. Mus. (616).
P. Mus. (456).
8o
MAAT-KA'RA
{DYN. XVIH.S.
Alabaster vases Abydos G. Mus. (M.A. 1467-8).
P. Mus. (456, 356-7)
,, ,, Alnwick (Cat. 1380).
Models of tools P ; F ; G ; Leydcn, T. Muss.
Bead, glass or obsidian (W.M.C. ii. 141).
Scarabs and plaques.
Although the reign of this queen is entirely over-
lapped by those of her co-regents, Tahutmes I., II.,
and III., yet her importance during the life of her
husband, and her independence during the nominal
reign of her nephew, until her
death, make it most fitting
to treat her monuments and
acts separately.
Her activity seems to have
been entirely given to peaceful
enterprises, owing to the
vigour and extensive con-
quests of her father having
ensured an age of tranquillity
to the realm.
In the Sinaitic peninsula
FIG. 40. Portrait of Hatshepsut. she worked the mines. At
MfcLrter. ri< Photographby Wady Maghara, a tablet,
dated in her i6th year (= the
3rd year of Tahutmes III.), shows her offering to
Sopd, and Tahutmes III. offering to Hathor. It fias
been suggested that, as he has the crown of Lower
Egypt, he was ruler there, while she ruled the upper
country ; but this cannot hold good, as he has the
double crown on her obelisk (L.D. iii. 246), and has
the upper crown on the doorway of Kom Ombo, built
under Jier (L.D. iii. 28, i b). At Sarbut el Khadem
she reopened the mines which had been worked by
Amenemhat II. (p. 165) ; and pieces of glazed vases,
bowls, etc., are found there with her name, and the
names of later rulers down to the XXth dynasty. This
shows that not only the mines were worked, but also
potteries of glazed ware, and probably the manufacture
of glass and frit coloured with the copper there
B.C. 1516-1481.1 HAT-SHEPSUT 81
found. Such work implies the use of a good deal of
fuel, and points the more wooded state of the desert in
past times, as indicated also by other facts (B.P. 56).
That the Delta began to rise into notice again, is
shown by the seal of the temple of Amen at Buto, bear-
ing the name of Hatshepsut (Ms. G. 91).
At Speos Artemidos, near Beni Hasan, an inscription
of 42 lines above the facade shows that it was begun by
this queen, though the interior was further carved by
Sety I. This inscription shows that she had largely
refitted the temples, and rebuilt some of them, as we
have noticed in the XVI Ith dynasty (p. 19). One re-
markable phrase is, "my spirits inclined toward
foreign people . . . the people Roshau and luu did not
hide themselves from me " ; and, further, the expedition
to Punt is mentioned, and the importation of trees and
incense. This points to a general taste for geographical
enterprise, such as we see illustrated in the great ex-
pedition (Rec. iii. i ; vi. 20).
The grand work of this queen was her vast and
unique temple at Deir el Bahri, so called because a
Coptic convent or Deir was built in its ruins in Chris-
tian times, and was called the northern (Bahri) often
misspelled Bahari), in contrast to the southern at Deir
el Medineh. Owing to the nearness to this temple of
the great tomb cave where the royal mummies were
hidden, both have been called by the same narhe ; but
that sepulchre has no relation to the temple, and is
round a corner of the cliff, in quite another bay. As
this temple is now being fully explored, it would be
premature to attempt to describe its details.
The general plan is that of a series of three great
terraces or platforms, rising one higher than another
ftp the slope of the ground, until the last is backed
against the vertical cliffs of the mountain. An axial
stairway led from terrace to terrace. Along the front
of each terrace the platform was carried on the top of
a cloister or colonnade. The upper terrace is headed
by a row of chambers, the middle one of which is carried
deep into the rock, and lined with sculptured slabs.
83 MAAT*KA*RA (DVN. xvm. 5-
Other chambers, and an altar in a courtyard, lie on
either side of the upper terrace.
The historical interest is in the representation of the
great expedition to Punt. This is shown on the wall
which subdivides the upper terrace across. The head
of the scene is on the right hand of the spectator.
There Amen is seated ; before him is a speech of his to
the queen in 15 columns. A speech of the queen in six
columns is in front of her figure, standing adoring
FIG. 41, Sculpture of Deir el Bahri.
Amen. Next is the bark of Amen, borne by 24 priests
and two high priests, before which Tahutmes III. makes
offering of incense. After a speech of the queen in five
columns, offering all the products of the land of Punt
to Amen, then appear Safekh and Tahuti, the deities
of writing and of numbers, registering all the offer-
ings. Horus superintends the balance, where rings
and bars of electrum are being weighed. Piles of green
ana incense are being- measured out. Following these
B.C. 15x6-1481,] HAT-SHEPSUT 83
are the trees, the cattle, the logs of ebony, the tusks of
ivory, the boxes of electrum, the leopard skins, the
panthers, the giraffe, and the cattle, all of which are
offered to Amen.
Following this is a figure of the queen, and of her ka
behind her, introducing the scenes of the expedition.
Eight ships and a boat are embarking the produce of
Punt, the trees transplanted in baskets, the sacks and
bales and jars, the baboons, all are being brought in
peace to the fleet. Next is the scene of the meeting of
the Egyptian troops and commander, with Parohu, the
chief of Punt, Aty his wife, their two sons and daughter,
the ass on which the queen rode, and three attendants.
Behind them is their town ; the houses are built on
piles and entered by ladders, while palms growing
beside them overshadow them. The strange fatness of
the queen has been much speculated upon ; whether it
was a disease such as elephantiasis, or was natural fat,
has been debated ; but as her daughter shows much
the same tendency of curve in the back, it is probably
the effect of extreme fat, which was considered a beauty,
as in South Africa at present.
Scenes in other parts show the festivities of the
return from Punt, the troops eagerly hastening in pro-
cession, the sacrifices being cut up and offered, and the
dances of the Libyan allies with boomerangs.
Many points of great interest occur in the details.
The physiognomy of the Punites is finely rendered ; it
it is much like that of the early Egyptians (compare the
queen and Hesy), and the form of beard is that of the
Egyptian gods. The great variety of fishes in the sea
beneath the ships is no mere fancy ; the species have
been identified with the Red Sea fishes, and show close
observation. Either the fish were brought back for the
artist, or else artists accompanied the expedition prob-
ably the latter, as the queen and her ass, the houses
and trees, all seem to have been seen by the designer.
Another class of details is the military outfit of the
Egyptian troops ; the standards which they carry, of
figures in sacred barks, lions, heads, and cartouches of
MAAT'KA-RA
[DYN.XVIII.S.
B.C. 1516-1481.]
HAT-SHEJPSUt
the queen, the axes, bows, spears, and boomerangs,
the drum beaten with a hand on either end ; all of
these are beautifully represented.
On other parts of the temple, in the colonnade of the
middle terrace, are scenes of the royal family. Ta-
hutmes I., queen Aahmes, and the elder daughter,
Khebfneferu, are there posthumously figured. In the
chambers cut into the rock at the head of the terraces
are also various figures of the family : Aahmes, Hat-
shepsut, and Tahutmes II. are seated before their
tables of offering, with
the lists of funeral
offerings above. These
are true tomb sculp-
tures, and show that
these were the funereal
chapels of the family.
But the places of the
tombs are quite un-
known. Perhaps they
are in the rock behind,
entered from some by-
passage ; but, as we
shall see later on,
there is evidence that
Hatshepsut's tomb is
entered from the valley
Of the kings' tombs, FlG ' 43-Egyp^soldiers. Deir el
just behind the wall of
cliff, and therefore more probably the other tombs of
the family adjoin that. It is rather on the other side
of the cliff that we must expect the entrance to be
found to the tombs, and not on the Deir el Bahri
side.
The next most important works of the great queen
are the obelisks at Karnak. The greater one was
erected on the Sed festival in her sixteenth year. The
sides bear the splendidly cut line of hieroglyphics down
the middle of each, with the scenes of Hatshepsut and
Tahutmes III. offering to Amen in all his various
86 MAAT-KA'RA [DYN. xvm. s .
characters, while one scene on each side has been
usurped later by Sety I. This great obelisk was recog-
nised as a triumph of work and a marvel of speedy
execution ; and a long inscription in small lines around
the base of it is happily preserved to show with what
feelings it was erected. After an adoration to Amen,
she states " she hath made this as a monument to her
father Amen, lord of the thrones of the two lands,
dwelling in Thebes, even hath made for him two great
obelisks of hard granite of the south, the point of each
is of electrum, the tribute of the best quality of all coun-
tries. They are seen on both sides of the valley, the
two lands are bathed in their splendours. The sun's
disc rises between them, as when it rises from the
horizon of heaven. I have done this from a heart full
of love for my divine father Amen.
** I have entered upon the way in which he conducted
me from the beginning, all my acts were according to
his mighty spirit. I have not failed in anything which
he hath ordained .... I make this known to the
generations which are to come, whose hearts will
enquire after this monument which I have made for my
father, and who will talk enquiringly and gaze upon it
in future. I was sitting in the palace, I was thinking
of my creator, when my heart urged me to make for
him two obelisks of electrum whose points reach unto
the sky, in the noble hall of columns which is between
the two great pylons of the king Aa'kheperka'ra.
Behold, my heart led me to consider what men would
say. Oh, ye who see my monument in the course of
years, and converse of what I have done, beware of
saying, * I know not, I know not, why these things
were done ' . . . Verily the two great obelisks that
my majesty has wrought with electrum, they are for my
father Amen, to the end that my name should remain
established in this temple for ever and ever. They are
of a single stone of hard granite without any joining
or division in them. My majesty commanded to work
for them in the I5th year, the first' day of Mekhir, till
the 1 6th year and the last day of Mesori, making seven
B.C 1516-1481.] HAT-SHEPSUT 87
months since the ordering of it in the quarry" (R.P.
xii. 131).
As Tahutmes I. died about the end of Epiphi (fifteen
years before), the sixth of the seven months here named,
and as by the change in the regnal year Hatshepsut
must have begun to reign in one of those months, and
before Tahutmes II. was associated, about early in
Pakhons (see p. 61), we see that the association of
Hatshepsut on the throne is limited to Mekhir, Pha-
menoth, or Pharmuthi, that is, between three and six
months before her father's death.
The very brief time of seven months for the whole work
of this obelisk, of nearly a hundred feet high, in hard
red granite, has been a stumbling-block and wonder to
all who have considered it. If we exclude the pre-
liminaries, and date from the actual cleaving of it from
the bed, we can scarcely write off less than two months
for extracting the block and bringing it to Thebes. If
it were erected in the rough, and then worked by men on
a scaffolding around it, so as to get the greatest number
employed at once, we must set off at least a month for
erecting it and placing the scaffold. Thus four months
is left for men, working by relays, to dress down, polish
and engrave, at least three or four square yards of
surface for each man. This would be the probable
distribution of time ; and nothing impresses us more
with the magnificent organisation of the Egyptians,
than this power of launching hundreds of highly trained
and competent workmen on a single scheme in perfect
co-ordination. It is no question of a tyranny of brute
force and mere numbers ; but, on the contrary, a
brilliant organisation and foresight dealing with a
carefully prepared staff.
The second obelisk has been overthrown, and the
upper part of it lies broken off, on a bed of fragments
from the neighbouring buildings.
In some of the sculptures of the chambers this queen
also appears ; sometimes in original work, sometimes
in substitutions of her name for that of Tahutmes II.
(C.N. ii. 145, rooms X, Y).
88 MAAT'KA'RA [DYN. xvm. 5,
At the Tahutmes temple of Medinet Habu she has
erased her father's name to make room for her own,
aa'kheper giving place to maat (L.D. Hi. 27). In
another place her name appears on the jambs, and that
of her husband on the lintel. At El Kab ^n inscription
of hers was formerly known (R.S. iii. i. 130).
At Kom Ombo, the great gateway, now washed
away, bore her name on it as builder, though Tahutmes
III. appears on one jamb, and perhaps Tahutmes II.
on the other, now altered to the Illrd. The absence of
feminine terminations makes it unlikely to be a figure
of the queen (L.D. iii. 28, i ; R.R. xxviii.).
At Aswan the inscription of Senmut on his going to
quarry the obelisks is valuable, as showing that
Neferu'ra was still living then. The rapid carving of
these rock inscriptions on all occasions shows the
mastery of tools. As the inscription of Hammamat
also shows (i. p. 151), where a long and fine inscription
was cut in eight days, as shown by an informal one
roughly added below it.
As Senmut was one of the greatest men of his age,
we may here notice his remains. His statue is in the
Berlin Museum, and bears a long inscription, from
which we learn that he was chief tutor to the king's
daughter, the heiress of the two lands, Neferu'ra ;
that his parentage was not distinguished, as his
44 ancestors were not found in writing"; that htr
was created a prince, the companion, greatly beloved,
keeper of the temple of Amen, keeper of the granaries
of Amen, and director of the directors of works (chief
architect). Other official charges were also held by
him ; and it is not difficult to see that he was the
favoured official of the queen, after the death of her
husband and in the minority of her other brother (L.D.
iii. 25 h-m). Another statue of his, found in the
temple of Mut, shows that he built many temples for
the queen. On his funeral stele he perpetuates the
memory of his father and mother, though they were not
distinguished, as he is shown seated between them ;
the father, Rames, embracing him, the mother, Hat'
HAT-SHEPSUT
FIG. 44. Senmut the architect. Berlin.
90 MAAT-KA-RA TDVN. xvm. s .
nefer, holding a flower before her great son. He
appears there to have had special charge of the sacred
cattle, of which many are figured and named (L.D.
iii. 25 bis, a). His stele at Aswan shows him standing
before Hatshepsut, and entitled the royal seal-bearer,
the companion, greatly beloved, keeper of the palace,
keeper of the heart of the queen (see " keeper of the
king's conscience," the Lord Chancellor), making con-
tent the lady of both lands, making all things come to
pass for the spirits of her majesty. It is stated that he
there carved the two great obelisks for the queen which
we have described above (L.D. iii. 25 bis, q). From
the stamps on the bricks of his tomb, we see that he
was priest of Aahmes, and held offices for the younger
daughter, Hatshepset (Meryfra), as well as for the
elder one, Nefenrra. His tomb is high up, on the
N.E. of the Qurneh hill ; it was very magnificent,
but the painted facing of the walls is almost entirely
destroyed. A staff bearing his name is in the hands
of a dealer at Luxor. A clear white glass bead of
Senmut was found at Deir el Bahri (1894) ; and another
bead of Hatshepsut appears to bear his name (W.M.C.
ii. 141).
A curious point is the religious adoration of Hathor,
developed as a familiarity and petting of the sacred
kine. On the scenes of Deir el Bahri, Tahutmes II. is
being licked by the sacred cow (D.H. ii. 32) ; and Haf^
shepsut had favourite cows, as one of them is named
on Senmut's stele as "her great favourite, the red."
The line of kine down the side of Senmut's stele all
have their names, and were probably pet animals of the
queen in the sacred cattle farm.
Another keeper of the palace, who took the queen's
diadem title as his own name, Uazifrenpitu, is re-
corded on a rock tablet north of Aswan, below the
joint cartouches of Ra'maat'ka and Ra*men*kheper
(M.I. i. 207, 10).
Of minor monuments there are several. A stele in
the Louvre is dedicated by Hatshepsut to Tahutmes I.,
and he is represented seated receiving offerings (L.A.
B.C. 1516^-1481.]
HAT-SHEPSUT
xi.). Another stele in the Vatican shows Hatshepsut
offering to Amen, with Tahutmes III. standing behind
her (C.N. ii. 700-1). And a small stele shows the
queen suckled by the Hathor cow, as figured at Deir
el Bahri (Grant Coll.).
Several statues of the queen are known. The temple
at Deir el Bahri had an avenue of sphinxes, all portraits
of the queen. Two of these heads are preserved at
MAAT-KA'RA
[DYN. xvm 5.
Berlin ; also the head of a statue, and a headless statue
of the queen (all L.D. iii. 25). Two other statues are
in Leyden (A.Z. xiii. 45). An ushabti of fine work is at
the Hague (S.B.A. vii. 183). A box with the cartouches
of the queen was found in the royal deposit of mummies
at Deir el Bahri ; but as the name of Amen had been
erased from it, it must have been accessible during* the
time of Akhenaten, and was not therefore in the tomb
of the queen. The liver which was found in it has been
consequently supposed to be that of the later queen
FIG. 46. Chair of Hatshepsut. Biban el Meluk.
Ra*maat*ka of the XXIst dynasty ; though it would be
a happy chance if this box had been available some
centuries after it was made, so as to be used for a
queen of the same name (Ms. M. 584).
An important discovery of objects of Hatshepsut
was made a few years ago in the royal tombs (Rec. x.
126). As I believe the circumstances have not been
published, I will recount what I have heard from my
late friend, Greville Chester, who bought the objects
for Mr. Haworth, by whom they were presented to the
HAT-SHEPSUT 93
British Museum. Mr. Chester was informed by the
Arabs that a group of objects, comprising a throne, a
draughtboard, many draughtmen, and a piece of a
wooden cartouche, were all found hidden away in one
of the side chambers of the tomb of Ramessu IX.,
under the loos^e stones which encumber the place.
This spot was pointed out to Mr. Chester by the Arab
dealer who went with him. The place we cannot
corroborate, beyond seeing that it is just at the mouth
of that side valley which runs up closest to the cliff
behind the temple of Hatshepsut, and which is there-
fore the most likely to contain her tomb. The objects
being thus hidden, it would imply that when her tomb
had been anciently plundered, the thieves had carried
out of it everything portable, in order to be able to
remove the objects at leisure, after attention had been
called to their attack on the queen's tomb ; hence they
had buried the articles of lesser value in the already
open tomb of Ramessu IX., at the mouth of the valley,
until they might find it convenient to remove them.
The collocation of the objects shows strongly that they
really belonged together. The portion of wooden
cartouche was not easily readable, except to anyone
who knew the signs by heart ; nor did the seller at all
profess to read it, hence there was no attempt to
connect the find with this queen. But the wooden
draughtmen are all in form of lions' heads, of just the
type of a fine one of jasper, which bears the name of
the queen on the head and the collar (Ms. G. 2965).
This latter in the Ghizeh Museum cannot have served
as a model to later fabricators, as to say nothing of
the difficulty of copying an object in the museum they
would have certainly copied the cartouche to enhance
the value, if they copied at all. Hence the Museum
specimen authenticates and dates the similar heads
found elsewhere ; and it is important to note this,
because in the passion of incredulity doubt has been
thrown on the authenticity of these lion-head draught-
men. They are then clearly linked with the same
queen who is named on the fragment of cartouche
94
MAATKA-RA
[DYN. xvui. 5*
found with them. The draughtboard is also probably
connected with the pieces for playing. Hence, so far
as we can test it, there is good evidence for the truth
of the story ; and the style of the throne of rare
woods, inlaid elaborately with electrum (the serpent
being of the same wood as the cartouche), and its
slender and beautiful form is quite consistent with the
taste of the early XVIIIth dynasty. So far, then, as
any account can be tested, under the system of secrecy
and mystification enforced by an arbitrary and injurious
law, there seems no reason to doubt the account which
has been given.
A glazed draughtboard and a plaque with the
queen's name are in the Louvre. Alabaster vases
were found at Abydos, containing black and yellow
resin (G. Mus. ; M.A. 1467-8). Several rude small
alabaster vases with the name were evidently found
along with the models of tools, which belong to some
extensive foundation deposit, probably from Deir el
Bahri ; these objects are scattered in the museums
of Paris, Florence, Turin, Leyden, and Ghizeh.
Another complete series of such models from a
foundation deposit have lately been found at Deir
el Bahri, in a pit in the
rock, by M. Naville. Bricks
stamped by Hatshepsut are*
found at Qurneh ; some
with the added name of the
deceased Tahutmes I., pro-
bably made just after his
death (L.D. iii. 25 bis y 26).
Many scarabs and plaques
of the queen are known ;
some have the ka name,
and the vulture and uraeus
name. But the most inter-
esting class are the restored
scarabs of earlier kings. Scarabs -bear double car-
touches of Usertesen III. and Tahutmes III., of Sebek-
hotep III. and Tahutmes III., and of Amenhotep I, and
FIG. 47. Scarab of Hatshepsut,
with name of Usertesen III.
Louvre.
B.C. I 5 i6-i 4 8r.] HAT-SHEPSUT 95
Tahutmes III.; others read doubly Ra [ ^^ j ka,
Usertesen II. and Hatshepsut ; others have these two
names both complete ; and other scarabs of Men'ka'ra,
Neferka'ra, Amenemhat II., Usertesen III., and
Amenhotep I. are identical in type and workmanship
with the scarabs of Hatshepsut and her brother.
The children of Hatshepsut we have already noticed
in her husband's reign.
Some private remains of this reign may be noted.
An ostrakon, written on a limestone flake, records
Sat'ra, surnamed An, the chief nurse of the queen, who
prays a suten du hotep to Hatshepsut as a divinity
(S.B.A. ix. 183). A statue of Anebi (B. Mus.) praises
the queen and Tahutmes III. (L.A. xi.). The tomb of
Duaheh, No. 22 at Qurneh, mentions the queen
(C.N. 515-6). Tahuti adores Hatshepsut and the gods
of Thebes on a statuette of his (E. Coll.).
On noticing- the details of the family history, we
now see how the position of Hatshepsut, which has
caused so much speculation, was a very natural one to
occur, and does not imply any particular bad faith on
any side. Her father died before he had a son old
enough to properly succeed him on the throne ; and
about five or six months before his death (probably in
failing health), he associated his daughter with him, as
she was the heiress of the kingdom in the female line,
in which royal descent (like that of private families)
was specially traced. She was then about 24 years of
age, of great capacity and power. Two or three
months later, he married to her his eldest son, Tahut-
mes II., who would otherwise have had no claim to
the throne, being the son of Mut'nefert, and not of a
royal princess. Ten weeks later he died. Tahutmes
II. showed no ability, and seems to have been a weak-
ling: he did not go on the campaign when he was
about 1 8 years old ; he never entered on any other war,
nor undertook any important work. During his life
his sister appears to have ordered and organised public
business, and he died about 30. Thus Hatshepsut was
96 MAAT-KA-RA pw*. xvi". s-1
left the sole legitimate ruler at about 37 years of age ;
the only person who could challenge her power being
her little nephew, Tahutmes III., then perhaps 9 years
old. He had no claim to the throne, being the son of
a woman, Aset, not of royal blood. But his aunt did
all she reasonably could : she associated him with her
in the kingdom, public dating of documents was
carried on in his name ; and though her eldest
daughter, that beautiful and most brilliant girl,
Nefenrra, had died, she married the second to
him as soon as might be, and so gave him the
position of heir. To throw up the power which she
had more or less wielded for so long, to turn the
affairs of state over from an experienced and large-
minded ruler of mature age at 37 to a boy of 9,
was not to be thought of for a moment. She did
all that was reasonable ; and if she held on firmly till
her death to the power which was unquestionably her
right, she only did as any other capable ruler would
have done. No doubt it was galling to a very active
and ambitious young man to be held down to peaceful
pomp and routine ; no doubt the etiquette of the court
did not become less precise when, in old age, the queen
held tenaciously to her rights ; and no doubt, when
Tahutmes found life passing, and himself entering the
thirties without being allowed free scope, he may wjsll
have chafed and become very sore at everything belong-
ing to the old lady. But all things come to him who
waits. Egypt developed greatly during twenty years of
peace and commerce, and resources were husbanded;
so that, when, at the queen's death at about 59,
Tahutmes then about 31 succeeded to the full
power, he found a grand instrument in his hands,
and was able in a few weeks' time to launch out into
that mighty series of campaigns which mark the
highest extent of Egyptian power, and which gloriously
occupied twenty-eight years of overflowing energy.
TAHUTIMES III
XVIII. 6. (
MEN*KHEPER'(KA)'RA I O
TAHUTI-MES (III.)
HEQ'UAST
r"" 1 "!
urn
1449
B.C.
Coffin and mummy (Ms. M. 547).
Sarbut eH
Stele, 23rd year
(L.D. Hi. 29 a).
Khadem J
Stele, 27111 year
Jamb of doorway
T photograph).
( )
Glazed vase bits
(B.P.j6).
Wady Maghara
Kom el Hisn
Inscription
Foundation deposit
(My. E. 344).
(F.P. Coll.).
Heliopolis
Gate jambs
(B.R. ix. 2 3 a-b).
,, ,, (Cairo)
(D.E. v. 24, i).
Stele, 47th year (Berl.)
(L.D. iii. 29 b).
Obelisk (Lateran)
(G.O., R.P. iv. n).
,, (Constantinople)
(L.D. iii. 60).
,, (New York)
(G.O., R.P. x. 21),
,, (London)
(G.O.).
Abusir
Inscription, Amenemhat
(L.D. iii. 29 e).
Memphis
Temple of Ptah
(Sakhara inscr.
B.H. 403).
Gurob
Temple
(P.K. 32, xxii.).
Speos Artemidos
Rock shrine
(L.D. iii. 26, 7).
El Bersheh
Stele
(S.I. ii. 37).
Ekhmim
Stele
(L.D. iii. 29 d).
ji
Inscription
(My. E. 421).
Abydos
Osiris statue
(M.A.; I.).
>>
Two statues of king 1
(M.A. 348, 9).
Dendera
Founding of temple
(A.Z. iii. 91).
Hammamat
Inscription
(My. E. 326).
Koptos
Nubt
Temple.
Town and temple, etc.
Karnak
E. hall of pillars.
Surrounding courts of temple.
Hinder sanctuary.
South pylon VII.
Temple of Ptah.
Temple of Mut begun ?
Medinet Habu
Temple
(L.D. iii. 7, 17,27-8,
37-8)-
N. of Ramesseum
Temple.
II 7
98
MEN-KHEPER-RA
[DYN. xvm. 6.
Deir el Bahri
Completion of Temple.
Obelisks
(L.D. iii. 60).
Taud
Fragments
(W.G. 362).
Esneh
Stele mentioned
(L.D. iv. 78 a).
ElKab
Temple architecture
(C.N. 266).
> j
Two temples, fragments.
Edfu
Late inscription on building 1 (A.Z. ix. 97).
Kom Ombo
Pylon (now lost)
(L. D. iii. 28, i ;
R.R. 28).
Elephantine
j
Lintel
Temple (destroyed)
Block at station
(A.Z. xxi. 78).
(D.E.i. 34-8).
(Rec. ix. 81).
Obelisk (Sion Ho.)
(Birch, Hist. 102).
Aswan
Inscriptions
(Rec. xiii. 203; M.I.
i. 101, 207).
Kalabsheh
Granite statue and block
(B.E. 307).
Kuban
Inscription
(My. E. 538).
Dakkeh
Inscription
(S.N. 136).
Korti
Stone and foundation
(L.L. 124).
Amadah
>
Scene
Gate and lintel
(L.D. iii. 45).
(L.D. iii. 65 b, c).
Ellesiyeh
Scenes
(L.D. iii. 45 d, f,
46 a).
>>
Stele, 42nd year
(L.D. iii. 45 e).
Ibrim
Two rock shrines
(C.N. 79-84).
Wady Haifa
S. brick temple
(B.E. 341).
Semneh
Temple
(L.D. iii. 47~5 6 )-
Kummeh
Temple
(L.D. iii. 57-59 a,
64 b).
Sai (20 42' N.)
Temple
(L.D. iii. 59 b, c).
Dosheh(2o3o'N.
) Rock shrine
(L.D. Hi. 59 d, e).
Soleb
Temple begun.
Bahriyeh Oasis
Stele
(B.E. 348).
Statues and portraits
Seated limestone colossus, base of throne,
Karnak
Head of colossus, granite, B. Mus.
Standing, red granite, Karnak
Seated, black granite, Karnak
Seated, black and white diorite, T. Mus.
Seated, grey granite, Nubia, F. Mus.
Torso Abydos
Throne Abydos
Seated, black granite, Alexandria.
Torso, behind temple, Karnak
Torso in small temple of Apet, Karnak
Fragments Luxor
Bust, red granite, Karnak
(M.K. 38 d).
(R.A.i25;V.G.202).
(V.G. 214).
(L.T. 1376).
(S. Cat. F. 1503).
(M.A. 348).
(M.A. ii. 21 e, f).
(W.G. 358).
(B.E. 150).
(W.G. 358).
(V.G. 192).
B.C. J503-I4490
TAHUTIMES III
99
Bronze statue, Marseille.
Statues mentioned by Tahutmes IV.
(M.K. 33).
,, ,, Neb'ua'iu
(M.A. ii. 33).
Sphinxes, red granite, Karnak
(V.G. 221-2, M.K.
32 b).
Figure on wooden canon board, B. Mus.
(A.B. 33, 148).
Trial piece T. Mus.
(L.D. iii. 304).
Stele, with Min T. Mus.
(L.T. 1460).
,, in temple, Uazmes G. Mus.
(M.E. ii.).
Altar, red granite, high B. Mus.
(A.B. 34).
,, another still at Karnak
(W.G. 366).
, , , , Vatican
(Vat. Cat. p. 215).
,, dedicated to Amen Salonika
(A.Z. vi. 79).
,, red granite
(M.K. 32 b; V.G.
211).
,, alabaster
(M.B. 98).
Alabaster vase of 9 bins T. Mus.
(L.T. 3224).
T. Mus.
(Rec. iv. 137).
, of 21 bins B. Mus.
(V.G. 446).
, 2 G. Mus.
(V.G. 702).
, 3 Berlin
(W.G. 367).
, P. Mus. Leyden, B. Mus.
(C.M. 425, R.C.
62, 6).
Glass vases { B ' Mus '
(Ms. A. fig. 220).
(C.M. 425).
Ivory tablets Marseille.
Wooden labels of princesses
(A.Z. xxi. 123).
Feather of Amen T. Mus.
(W.G. 368).
Fish-shaped cup glazed green G. Mus.
(Ms. G. 124).
Scribe's palette Bologna.
Papyri, T. Mus.
(i, 83 B).
,, Berlin
(L.D. vi. 117 b, c).
,, Munich
(W.G. 368).
Rings and scarabs, innumerable.
Gold ring (Ashburnham)
(R. Soc. Lit. 1843,
108).
Queens MERYT-RA HATSHEPSET
Sphinx, Baracco Coll.
Temple, Medinet Habu
Tombs \
Scarabs, P. Mus., T. Mus.
NEBTU
(A.Z. xx. 118).
(L.D. iii. 38 a, b;
C.M. 195, 3).
(L.D. iii. 62 a).
(L.D. iii. 63 a, 64 a).
(C.M. 160).
(M.A. ii. 40 n).
(Rec.ix,97; B.R.P.
xii.).
MEN-KHEPER-RA
[DYN. XVIII. 6.
(B.R.P. xii.).
(A.Z. xxi. 124).
Son Amenhotep II. (L.D. Hi. 62,64).
Daughters (?) Taui ....
Ta'kheta
Pefahirha
Pet'pui Ta'khet'aui
Meryt'ptah
Sat'hora
Neferamen
Ua*ay
Henut'anu
In dealing with this reign, which is the fullest in the
history of Egypt, it may be best to examine it in the
following order
(ist) Outline of the dated events and monuments;
(2nd) Translation of the annals.
(3rd) The greater monuments.
(4th) The lesser monuments.
5th
6th
7th
The private monuments.
The royal family.
The influence of Syria on Egypt.
The details of the geography
appear at the end of the volume.
of the campaigns
I. OUTLINE OF THE DATED EVENTS.
Born at Thebes (see gold ring,
P.P. Coll.).
ist year, Pakhons 4. Corona-
tion, at about 9 years old.
2nd year, Paophi 7. This earliest
dating is that of a grand list of
gifts to the temple of Semneh,
which had been in progress under
the father and brother of this king.
5th year, Thoth i. A papyrus at
Turin is dated thus, concerning a
scribe User'amen going to offer in
the temple of Amen (Pap. T. i).
1 5th year, Pakhons 27 is named
as the day of a great festival of renewing the offerings
in the temple at Karnak (M.K. 15).
FIG. 48. Gold ring of
Tahutraes III. , " born
at Thebes." Gurob,
F,P. Coll.
B.C. 1503-M49.] OUTLINE OF THE DATED EVENTS tor
22nd year. Renewing the statue of Amenhotep I.
(M.K. 38, c. 2).
22nd year, Mekhir 4 (about). Death of Hatshepsut ;
beginning of independent reign of Tahutmes III.
22nd year, Pharmuthi. The army assembled on the
frontier at Zalu, for the first campaign. The chiefs in
southern Syria had rebelled some time before.
23rd year, Pakhons 4, on his coronation day,
Tahutmes found himself in Gaza ; having marched in
twelve days about 160 miles, a rapid march for a large
army wholly untrained in such movements. On the
next day he left. Ten days later he had marched 90
miles farther, to Carmel. There he rested for a few
days, and then he insisted on crossing the mountain by
a dangerous ravine, in which he acted as guard to
secure the passage of the army, which defiled through
safely by i p.m. Resting that afternoon, he then early
next morning gave battle to the assembled chiefs of
Syria who were confederated at Megiddo, and utterly
routed them in the plain of Esdraelon, or Armageddon.
They fled into the town, round which he at once threw
a complete circumvallation, only allowing prisoners to
surrender at one entrance. The whole of the enemy
capitulated, and enormous spoils were taken from them,
and from the rest of Syria. A stele was set up this
year at Wady Haifa recording the victories over the
Fenekhu, Retennu, and Tahennu (B.E. 341).
24th year. The second campaign in Syria brought
in great spoils. On Mekhir 30 was a feast of dedica-
tion t Karnak (M.K. 12). Mention of the new moon.
25th year. The third campaign in Syria. Large
collection of plants brought from land of Retennu,
and carved on walls at Karnak (M.K. 31). Stele of
Sarbut el Khadem, copper mining (L.D. iii. 29 a).
27th year. Stele at Sarbut el Khadem.
28th year. Tomb of Amenemhat at Qurneh (L.D
iii. 38 e-g).
29th year. Fifth campaign to Retennu (Syrian hill-
country), -Tunep, Arvad, and Zahi ; great spoil from
Phoenicia.
102
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. XVIH 6.
30th year. Sixth campaign to Kedesh, Simyra, and
Arvad.
3ist year. Tribute of Retennu, of Punt, and of
Wawat.
33rd year. Set up tablet at boundaries in Naharina.
Tribute of Retennu, Sangar, Khita, Punt, and Wawat.
Tablet at El Bersheh, 2nd Mesore. Sed festival, 28th
Epiphi.
FIG. 49.- Tahutmes III., granite head. Brit. Mus.
34th year. Campaign, and tribute of Zahi (Phoe-
nicia), Retennu, Asi (Cyprus).
35th year. Tenth campaign, to Zahi. Spoils of
Naharina.
38th year. Thirteenth campaign. Spoils of Anau-
gasa ; tribute of Asi, Punt, and Wawat.
39th year. Fourteenth campaign in Syria.
4oth year (?). Tribute of Asi, Kush, Wawat.
4 ist year (?). Tribute of Rutennu and Khita.
B.C. 1503-1449.] OUTLINE OF THE DATED EVENTS 103
42nd year. Campaign to Tunep, Qedesh. Erection
of long- inscription at Karnak. Erection of statue to
Tahutmes II. (M.K. 38 b).
47th year. Stele at Heliopolis. Berlin (L.D. iii. 29 b).
5oth year. Expedition to Ethiopia. Clearing of
canal of the cataract (Rec. xiii. 203).
5ist year, Pauni 5. Stele at Ellesiyeh (Br. H. 395).
54th year, Phamenoth 30. Tahutmes died at about
63 years old. Succeeded by his son, Amenhotep II.
II. TRANSLATION OF THE ANNALS.
The annals of this king are considerable, and they
give a most graphic view of the state of Syria, and the
wealth and luxury of the inhabitants, at this age.
Every allusion in them is of value; and in the. first
campaign, which had the delight of new-found power
about it, the details are very full, and show the character
of Egyptian warfare. The geography of these cam-
paigns will be treated afterwards at the end of this
volume.
In the following translation the only restorations
are such as are necessarily involved by the sense, and
they are always marked by square parentheses [ ],
while explanatory additions are in curved parentheses.
The numbers of the original lines of the text are marked
for ease of reference to the inscription.
(L.D. iii. 31 b.)
( 3 ) " His Majesty ordered to be placed [the victories
which his father Amen had given to him, upon] ( 4 ) a
tablet in the temple which His Majesty made for [his
father Amen, recording] ( 5 ) the expedition by its name,
together with the spoil [which His Majesty had obtained
by it in] () every [country] which his father Amen had
given him.
The campaign. The 25th day of the month Phar-
muthi in the
XXIInd year of his reign, [His Majesty] proceeded from
the city ( 7 ) ot Zalu in his first campaign of victory . . ,
104
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. XVIIL 6.
!fo extend] the ( 8 ) frontiers of Egypt with might . , .
9 , 10 ) [the land had been in confusion] . . . ( n ) the men
who were there ( 12 ) in the city of Sharuhen (in Simeon),
beginning from Yeruza ( 1S ) as far as the ends of the
country they rebelled against His Majesty. On the 4th
of Pakhons of the
XXIIIrd. year, the day of the festival of the royal
FIG. 50. Map of approach to Megiddo. Yehem, Megiddo, and Taanaka
are certain. Arareh is probably Aaruna, and Wady Arab the line of
Tahutmes' approach. Neither Zebdeh nor Zeita appear to agree with
Zifta, which was probably west of Megiddo.
coronation ( M ) at Gazatu (Gaza), the city occupied by
the king. ( 16 ) On the 5th of Pakhons he started
from this place in triumph [power], ( w ) defence, and
justification to overthrow the vile enemy, to extend ( 17 )
the bounds of Egypt according to the command of his
father Amen* Ra.
The passage of CarmeL ( 18 ) On the i6th Pakhons
of the XXIIIrd year, at the fortress of Yehem (Yemma,
B.C. 1503-1449- ] ANNALS
105
16 m. S.S.W. of Megiddo) r commanded His Majesty
( 19 ) a discourse with his brave troops, saying
"That [vile] enemy ( 20 ) of Qadesh has come and
.entered Maketa (Megiddo) ; he is [there] ( 21 ) at this
foment, and has collected to himself the chiefs of all
countries (that were) ( 22 ) obedient to Egypt, with him
as far as Naharaina, consisting of ... ( 2S ) the Kharu
(Syrians), the Qedshu, their horses and their army ( 24 ),
and he says, ' I shall remain [to fight the king of Egypt]
in Maketa/ Tell ye me . ..." ( 2G ) They said in
reply to His Majesty, " What is it like [that we] should
march on this road, ( 27 ) which becomes a narrow pass ?
[men have come] saying ( 28 ) that the enemy are waiting
to [attack when there is no] ( 29 ) passage for a numerous
host; does not one (chariot) horse have to follow
behind [the fellow, and man behind] ( 30 ) man likewise ?
ought our vanguard to be engaged while our rearguard
is waiting ( 32 ) in Aaruna (Ararah? 7 S.W. of Megiddo)
without fighting. Now there are two roads, ( 33 ) one
road behold it [will lead] us [to the . . .] ( 34 ) Taanaka
(Tannuk, 5 S. of Megiddo), the other behold it [leads
us to] the ( ;i5 ) north side of Zefta, and we should come
out at the north of Maketa ( 3C ). Let then our mighty
lord march on one of those [two] ways, [which ever]
his heart [chooseth], ( 37 ) but let us not go on that
difficult road."
Then [went] ( 38 ) the messengers [whom the king
sent to give his commands] for the disposition of [his
army]; ( 39 ) they said at the beginning of the speeches :
" The Majesty of the king saith, ' As I live, ( 40 ) as I am
the beloved of Ra, praised by my father Amen, as my
nostrils are refreshed with ( 41 ) life and strength, I will
go on this road of ( 42 ) Aaruna ; let him of you who will,
go on ( 43 ) the roads ye name ; and let him of you who
will, follow my Majesty. ( 44 ) For they namely, the
enemy, ( 45 ) abominated of Ra consider thus, "Has His
Majesty gone on ( 46 ) another road ? Then he fears us,"
thus do they consider.* "
( 4T ) They said to His Majesty, "As lives thy father
Amen-Ra, lord of the thrones of the two lands, who
io6 TAHUTIMES III CWN. xvm. 6.
dwells in Thebes, who has made thee, ( 48 ) behold we ;
follow thy Majesty whithersoever thy Majesty goes, ( 49 )
even as servants follow [their master], "
( 50 ) Command was given to the whole army to ...
[follow] ( 51 ) . . . that road which became [narrow.
His Majesty swore] ( 52 ) an oath, saying, "Not a man
[shall go forth] ( 53 ) before my Majesty in ... [ 54 ] he
shall go forth before his own troops causing Ic per-
ceive . . . ( 55 ) by his paces of marching, horse walking
after [horse], while [His Majesty protects them] ( 56 ) of
the best of his army." On the i9th of Pakhons of the
XXIIIrd year of his reign, watch in ... ( 57 ) at the
king's pavilion at the fortress of Aaruna. My Majesty
proceeded ( 58 ) northward with my father Amen'Ra, lord
of the thrones of the two lands ( 59 ) . . . before me,
Harakhti [strengthening my arms]. ( 60 ) . . . my
father Amen, lord of the thrones of the world, vic-
torious of scimetar, . . . [watching] ( 61 ) over me :
went forth [the enemy . . . ] ( 62 ) with much music
. . . ( 63 ) the southern wing from Taanaka . . . ( 64 )
the northern wing from the south corner . . . ( 5 ) His
Majesty cried out at them [and gave battle] ( 66 ) they
fell, behold that vile . . . (two lines lost) [but some of
the enemy went toward]
(L.D. iii. 32.)
( l ) Aaruna ; [behold] the rearguard of the valiant
troops of His Majesty . . . [were yet in] ( 2 ) Aaruna ;
while the van was going forth to the valley . . .
( 3 ) and occupied the head (or hollow) of that valley,
and behold they spake before His Majesty, saying,
( 4 ) " Behold His Majesty has gone out with his valiant
soldiers, and [they] have occupied the [head (or hollow)
of] ( :> ) the valley, let our powerful lord listen to us this
time, ( 6 ) let our lord keep for us the rear of his army
and the people ; ( 7 ) then when the rear of our army
comes out to us behind, they will fight ( 8 ) against these
foreigners, and we need not give thought for the rear
of ( 9 ) our army." His Majesty halted beyond them
B.C. 1503-1449-] ANNALS 107
himself ( 10 ) there guarding the rear of his valiant
troops ; behold, when the van ( n j had come forth
on this road the shadow turned, ( 12 ) and when His
Majesty came to the south of Maketa on the edge of
the water of Qina, it was the seventh hour of the
day (?). Then His Majesty's [great] tent was pitched,
and command was given before his whole army, saying,
" Prepare ye, make ready your weapons, for we move
to fight with the vile enemy to-morrow, for the king
[will remain] ( 13 ) quiet in the tent of the king," the
baggage of the chiefs was prepared and the provisions
of the followers, and the sentinels of the army were
spread abroad; they said, "Firm of heart, firm of
heart, watchful of head, watchful of head," waking in
life at the tent of the king. Came one to report to His
Majesty, the country is safe and the army south and
north likewise.
The battle of Megiddo. On the 2ist day of the
month Pakhons, the day of the feast of the new moon,
even the same as the royal coronation, early in the
morning command was given to the entire army to
spread abroad . . . ( 14 ) His Majesty went forth in
his chariot of electrum adorned with his weapons of
war, like Horus armed with talons, the Lord of might,
like Mentu of Thebes, his father AmeirRa strengthen-
ing his arms ; the [south] horn of the army of His
Majesty was ... on a hill at the south [of the water
of] Qina, the north horn at the north-west of Maketa,
His Majesty was in the midst of them, the god Amen
being the protection to his body [and strength] ( 16 ) to his
limbs. Then His Majesty prevailed over them at the
head of his army. When they saw His Majesty pre-
vailing over them, they fled headlong [toward] Maketa,
as if terrified by spirits ; they left their horses, and
their chariots of silver and of gold, and were drawn up
by hauling them by their clothes into this city, for the
men shut the gates of this city upon them, [and let
down] ( 1G ) clothes, to haul them up to this city. Then,
had but the troops of His Majesty not given their hearts
to spoiling the things of the enemy, [they would have
io TAHUTIMES III CDVN. xvm. 6.
taken] Maketa at that moment ; behold the vile 6nemy
of Qadeshu and the vile enemy of this city were drawn
up in haste to get them into their city. The fear of
His Majesty entered ( 17 ) [their hearts], their arms failed ;
. . . his diadem prevailed over them. Their horses
and their chariots of gold and of silver were captured,
being [taken] suddenly . . . their mighty men lay along
like fishes on the ground. The great army of His Majesty
drew round to count their spoil. Behold the tent [of
the wretchled [enemy] was captured, [in] which [was his]
son . . . f 18 ) The whole army rejoiced, giving praise
to Amen [for the victory] that he had given to his son,
[and they glorified] His Majesty, exalting his victories.
They brought the spoil which they had taken, of hands
(of the slain), of living captives, of horses, of chariots
of gold and of silver . . .
The siege of Megiddo. ( 10 ) [And His Majesty gave]
commands to his troops, saying, "If ye seize Maketa
afterward (?), [I vow great offerings to] Ra this day,
inasmuch as every chief of all the countries [who have]
rebelled are in it, so that it is as the capture of a
thousand cities this capture of Maketa ; seize ye utterly
entirely at [this mome]nt [on Maketa ( 20 ) . . . officers
of the troops, to each one was appointed his place,
they measured the city ... a rampart formed with
the green wood of all their pleasant trees. His Majesty -
himself was at the eastern tower of this city, [and he
commanded ( 21 ) to surround it] with a thick wall . . .
the thick wall [was built], and it was named Men*
kheperTa*aah'setu(Tahutmes III., encloser of the Sati);
and men were set to watch over the tent of His Majesty,
and they said, " Steady, steady, watch, watch, . . ."
His Majesty [then gave orders that ( 22 ) not one] of
them [shall go] outside from behind this wall excepting
to come forth to knock at the doors of their gate (none
should escape except those who delivered themselves
up as prisoners at the entrance). Now, all that His
Majesty did against this city, and against the vile
enemy and his vile troops, was written from day to day
under its date, under the title of " Travels . * . ( 23 )
ANNALS
109
[and] placed on a roll of leather in the temple of Amen
on this day.
The capitulation of Megiddo. Then the chiefs of
this land came, with them
that pertained to them,
to smell the ground to
the spirits of His Majesty,
asking breath for theif
nostrils of the greatness
of his power and the
mightiness of the spirits
of His Majesty ( 24 ) . . .
came to his spirits having
their tribute of silver, of
gold, of lazuli and mala-
chite ; bringing corn, wine,
oil, and flocks, for the
army of His Majesty ; and
sent the foreign workmen
who were among them
FIG. 51. Chiefs ''smelling the
ground."
with the tribute southwards (see chief of Tunep and
FIG. 52. Chief of Tunep, followed by his artist (se'ankk,
1 ' he who makes alive ") bearjng a trophy of gold work.'
The chief of Kedesh with a vase and a dagger.
his artist). His Majesty appointed chiefs anew (to rule
the land).
The spoils. [And this is the account ( 2& ) of the spoil
I io TAHUTIMES III [DYN. xvm. 6.
taken in the field, even] living 1 captives 340, hands
(of slain) 83, mares 2041, fillies 191, abor, 6 ...
one chariot worked with gold, with a pole (?) of gold of
FIG. 53. Syrian chariot.
that enemy, a good chariot plated with gold of the
chief of . . . [and 30 chariots of other princes?], ( 2G )
892 chariots of his vile army, total, 924. One excellent
suit of bronze armour of that enemy, a bronze suit of
armour of the chief of Maketa, 200 suits of armour of
his vile army, 502 bows, 7 poles of the pavilion of that
enemy of meru-wood plated with silver. Behold the
army . . . [took]( 27 ) . . . 297, bulls 1929, small
goats 2000, white flocks (sheep) 20,500.
The plunder and tribute of Syria. The amount of
things taken afterwards by the king from the things of
tjfte house of that enemy, which was in Yenuamu, in
Anaugasa, and in Harnekaru, with all the things of the
cities and the fortresses which gave themselves up to
his rule and brought . , . ( 28 ) . . . Meruina belonging
to them, 39 ; sons of that enemy and of the chiefs with
him, 87 ; meruina belonging to them, 5 ; slaves, male
and female, with their children, 1796; rion-combatants
who came all of starvation from that enemy, 103
persons : total 2503. Beside, there was of precious
B.C. IS03-I449-]
ANNALS
wares, gold, dishes, various vessels, ( 29 ) ... a two-
handled vase of the work of the Kharu . . . dishes,
FiG. 54. Syrian captives
with vases.
FIG. 55. Syrian dishes.
caldrons, and various vases for drinking, great jars, 97
knives : making altogether 1784 deben (360 Ibs.). Gold
in rings, found in the hands of the workmen, and silver
in various rings, 966 deben i qedt (200 Ibs.). A silver
statue made . . . ( 30 ) the head of gold, the staff with
human heads of ivory, ebony, and kharub wood inlaid
FIG. 56. Staff
with human
head.
FIG. 57. Chair.
^\\YVfflytijjj>|M/jw/y/'
I I
FIG. 58. Inlaid table.
with gold ; chairs of that enemy, 6 ; footstools belong-
ing to them, 6 ; 6 large tables of ivory and kharub
wood, inlaid with gold and all precious stones ; a staff
used as the sceptre of that chief, inlaid with gold
112 TAHUTIMES III DYN. xvm. &
throughout . . . statues ( 31 ) Of the fallen chief, of ebony
inlaid with gold ; . . . vessels of bronze ; various
clothing of the enemy. When the land was divided
into fields and calculated by the inspector of the king's
house, in order to take their harvest, the amount of the
harvest brought to His Majesty from the fields of
Maketa (the plain of Esdraelon) was 280,500 quadruple
heqt of corn (150,000 bushels, about 10 square miles of
corn land), ( 32 ) beside what was cut as taken by His
Majesty's soldiers.
Annual tributes. The tribute of the chiefs of the
Ruten in the
XXIVth year, tribute of the chief of Assuru, one
great stone of real lazuli weighing 20 deben 9
qedt (4^ Ibs.), two stones of real lazuli and small
stones making 30 deben ; total, 50 deben 9 qedt
(ioj Ibs.) of good lazuli of Bebra. Three hertet
(agate ?) vases of Assuru of [various] colours . . . ( 3S )
very many. The tribute of the chiefs of the Retennu,
the daughter of a chief, ornaments of silver, gold,
lazuli, of the foreigners, ... 30 ; the slaves, male and
female, of his tribute, 65 ; 30 [meruina] belonging [to
them] ; 4 chariots wrought with gold, the poles of
gold ; 5 chariots wrought with electrum, the poles of
aget) total 10. Tepau and undu oxen 55, bulls 749,
small cattle 5703. Gold dishes . . . ( 34 ) which could
not be measured, silver dishes and pieces, 104 d. 5 q.
(21 Ibs.) ; a gold maqersina inlaid with lazuli ;
FIG. 59. Golden dish from FIG. 60. Jar of
Syria. wine or honey.
bronze armour inlaid with gold k . . many suits of
armour, ( 35 ) 823 jars of incense, 1718 jars of wine anfl
honey . . ivory an<jl kharub-wood, mem-wood,
ANNALS
113
pesqu-wood, . . . various of this country . . . ( 36 ) to
every place which His Majesty visited and where his
tent was set up.
(L.A. xii, ; Rev. Arch. 1860, PL xvi.)
( J ) XXIXth year ; behold His Majesty was in the land
[of Rutennu] to chastise the revolted countries in his
Vth campaign of victory. The king took the city of
Ua . . . the army congratulated the king, and gave
thanks ( 2 ) to Amen'Ra for the victories which he had
given to his son, which the king valued above all
else. After this His Majesty proceeded to the store*
house of offerings, he offered a sacrifice to Amen, to
Horakhti, of oxen, bullocks, fowls, . . . Men'kheperra,
giving life for ever. Reckoning of the spoil taken from
this city :<
Spoil of Ua . . . From the officers (?) ( a ) of the
fallen of Tunep, the prince of this
city, i, warriors 329, silver 100 deben
(20 Ibs.), gold 100 deben ; lazuli,
malachite, vases of bronze and of
copper ; behold they seized a ship
. . . laden with all things, male
and female slaves, copper, lead,
emery, ( 4 ) and all sorts of good
things.
Then His Majesty proceeded south
to Egypt . . . delighted in heart.
He smote the city of Aruta (Arvad)
with its corn, and cut down all its pleasant trees.
Behold [His Majesty] found [the land of] Zahi through-
out, its orchards full of their fruit. There were
found ( 5 ) their wines abundant in their wine-presses, as
water flows down ; their corn was on the threshing
floors . . . more abundant than the sand of the shores.
The army was satiated with their shares. The
reckoning of the spoil brought to His Majesty in this
expedition :
Spoil of Phoenicia. Male and female slaves 51,
ii 8
FIG. 61. Copper vase
from Syria.
TAHUTIMES III
CDVN. XVHI. 6,
horses 40, silver cups 10, ( 6 ) incense of honey men
vases 470, wine men vases 6428 ; copper, lead,
lazuli, green felspar; oxen
6 1 8, goats 3636 ; good
bread, and various bread,
corn in grain, flour, . . .
and all good fruits of the
land. Then the soldiers
of His Majesty were
drunk and anointed with
**? ^ ^very day, ( 7 ) as in
the festivals in Egypt.
FIG. 62.-Cups from Syria.
XXXth year. Then His Majesty was in the land of
the Rutennu in his Vlth campaign of victory. He
drew near to the city of Qedeshu ; His Majesty spoiled
it, and cut down the trees
and reaped its corn. He
went to the land of ...
tu, he came to the town
of Zamara, and came to the
town of Arathetu (Arvad),
and treated them in like
FIG. 63. Scarab of Tahutmes III. manner. The amount of
-Overthrowing Kedesh." F.P. the Chutes brought to the
spirits of His Majesty in
that year, by the princes of Retennu : "~
Tribute of Retennu. The sons of the princes and
their brothers were brought to be placed as hostages in
Egypt. If any one of the chiefs died, His Majesty
would make his son go to stand in his place. The
number of the sons of princes brought this year was
. . . persons; male and female slaves 181, mares
1 88, chariots ( 9 ) adorned with gold and silver and
painted, 40.
XXXIst year, Pakhons, 3rd day ; assembly of the
spoil made by His Majesty in this year, and the spoil-
brought from the city Anrathu, which is on the bank
of the water Neserna : men taken alive, 490 . . .
of the sons of the wretched chief of ... 3 ; chief over
the women who were there, I. Total, 494 persons,
B.C. 1503-14490 ANNALS . 115
mares 26, chariots 13, their equipment ( 10 ) with all
weapons. Behold His Majesty spoiled this town
in a short hour, with swiftness of spoiling. The
tribute of the princes of Retennu, who came to pro-
strate themselves before the spirits of His Majesty in
this year :
Tribute of Retennu. Male and female slaves . . .
of this country 72, silver 761 deben 2 qedt (150 Ibs.),
19 chariots adorned with silver ( u ) and provided with
their weapons. Bulls and . . . 104, bullocks and
oxen 172 ; total, 276. Goats 4622. Native copper,
blocks 40 ; lead . . . gold, copper earrings engraved
with horses (?) 42 ; also all their products ( 12 ) and all
the good woods of this country. Every station which
His Majesty came was supplied with good bread and
common bread, with oil, incense, wine, honey, fruits,
more abundant than anything known to the soldiers of
His Majesty, without exaggeration. ( 13 ) They are placed
on the roll of the royal palace ; so that their reckoning
is not given on this tablet, in order to avoid a
multiplication of words. . . .
. . . The harvest of Rutennu was reported, consisting
of various corn, ( 14 ) wheat in grain, barley, incense,
fresh oil, wine, fruit, all the good things of a foreign
country. They were demanded for the treasury as is
reckoned the tribute . . . various, 33, alabaster, all
the gems of that country, and various stones in great
numbers ( 15 ) of ... and all the good things of that
land;
His Majesty approached the Delta, and the ambas-
sador of Genbetu (Punt) came, having their tribute of
frankincense and gums . . . male negroes for ser-
vants 10, bulls and ( 1G ) bullocks 113, bulls 230;
total, 343 ; beside boats with ivory, ebony, panthers'
skins, and the products of [that land. . . . The tribute
of Wawat] was ... of Wawat. 5 ; bullocks 31,
bulls 6 1 ; total, 92. ( 17 ) Beside the boats laden with
all the things of that country, the harvest of Wawat
also.
XXXIIIrd year, when His Majesty was in the land of
1 16 TAHUTIMES III CDYN. xvm. 6.
Retennu . . . [he] approached . . . east of that river,
he placed another (tablet) where was the tablet of his
father, ( 18 ) the king- of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Aa'kheper*ka*ra. His Majesty went north, taking the
towns and overturning the camps of that enemy of the
vile Naharina in ... [he pursued] after them for the
distance of an atur without anyone daring to look
behind ( l9 ) him, but they bounded along like a herd of
gazelles. The horses ... by the whole army.
Their princes 3, ( 20 ) their women 30, men taken
prisoners 80, male and female slaves and their chil-
dren 606 ; those who surrendered women . . ; he
carried off their grain.
His Majesty then came to the city of ( 21 ) Niy in going
south, when His Majesty was returning and had set up
his tablet in Naharina, he enlarging the boundaries of
Egypt. . . . The tribute brought by princes of that
country :
Tribute of Naharina, ( 22 ) Male and female slaves
513, mares 260, gold 45 deben 9 qedt, silver vases of
the work of Zahi . . . chariots with all their equipage,
bulls ( 23 ) calves 28, bulls 564, goats
5323, incense jars 828, sweet beg
oil ... all the delicious produce of
that country and all its many fruits.
Behold ( 24 ) the forts were provisitmed
with all sorts of things according to
the rate of the yearly tax. The
tribute of the land of Remenen was
also according to the rate of the
yearly tax, and the princes of the
F,G.6 4 .-Silvervase land f Remenen . . birds 2; and
from Syria. ne does not reckon the wild fowl
( 25 ) of that country. Behold they
were for the . . ,
The tribute of the prince of Sangar, real lazuli ... 4
deben, artificial lazuli 24 deben^ lazuli of Bebra . . .
of real lazuli, a head of a ram of real lazuli, ( 2G ) 15
rfeberiy and vases.
The tribute of the great Khita in this year was, silver.
D.C. XS03-X449-]
ANNALS
117
rings 8, weighing 301 deben (60 Ibs.), white precious
stones i great block, zagu wood
. . . [when returning] toward Egypt,
when coming from Naharina in
enlarging the frontier of Egypt.
The treasures brought by His
Majesty in that year from the land of
Punt were dry frankincense, 1685
heqs (920 bushels) . . . gold 155 deben 2 qedt (31
Ibs.), male and female slaves 134, "bull ( 28 ) calves 114,
bulls 305 ; total oxen, 419 ; beside transports laden
with ivory, ebony, panther skins, and all the good
FIG. 65. Silver rings
from Syria.
FIG. 66. Tribute from Punt : ivory, panthers' skins, ostrich eggs and
feathers, bags of gold dust, incense, etc.
-things of that land. . . . [The tribute of Wawat,
male and female slaves 8], male negroes 12 ; total,
20: bull calves 54, ( 2 ) bulls 60; total, 114: beside
boats laden with all the good products of that country,
and the harvest likewise.
XXXIVth year, behold His Majesty was in the land of
Zahi , . . the whole of that land surrendered. . . .
The list ( 30 ) of the places taken in that year : cities, 3 ; a
city surrendered in the territory of Anaugasa ; total,
4. Captives brought by His Majesty ... taken
prisoners, 90 ; surrendered with their wives ( 31 ) and
their children . . . mares, 40; 15 chariots adorned
i 18 TAHUTIMES III CWM. xvui. 6
with gold and silver, gold vases and gold in rings, 50
deben 8 qedt ; silver vases of that
country, and rings, 153 deben ;
bronze . . . bull calves 326, white
goats 40, kids 50, asses 70, a great
quantity of sagu wood, ( 32 ) black
wood, kharub wood, chairs with
their . . . ; 6 poles for a tent
adorned with bronze, as if inlaid
' VaSe with precious stones ; and all the
good wood of that land.
The tribute of the princes of the land of Retennu in
that year was, horses . . . chariots adorned in gold,
silver, and colours, 3[4J ; male and female slaves, 70(4] ;
gold 55 deben 8 qedt, silver vases various ( 33 ) of
the work of that land . . . men stone, all kinds of
gems, vases, native copper blocks 80 ; lead, blocks
ii ; colours, deben 100 ; dry incense, felspar, alabaster
. . . ; bull calves 13, bulls 530, asses 84 ; bronze,
much wood, and many copper vases ; incense jars
69 [5] ; ( 34 ) sweet beq oil and green beq oil, 2080 jars ;
wine, 608 jars ; sagu wood chariots, and acacia wood,
. . . and all the good wood of that land. Each of the
stations of His Majesty was provided with all kinds of
good things for His Majesty to receive ... of the land
of' Zahi, with cedar ; the Kefti boats, and the KajDni
boats, and the Sektu boats, of their woods and masts,
( 35 ) great beams for the [palace] of His Majesty.
Tribute of the chiefs of the land of Asi in that year :
blocks of copper 108, setf-copper 240 deben, lead 5
blocks, ingots of lead 1200, lazuli no defyen, ivory
tusks . . . wood chairs 2.
The tribute of the wretched Kush : gold 300 deben ;
daughter of the chief of Arem ; slaves, male and
female, ( 30 ) total, 64; [105! bulls, calves 170; total,
2 75 > beside boats laden with ivory and ebony, and all
the products of that land. The harvest of the wretched
Kush HJce.wise.
The tribute of Wawat was : gold 274 deben ; negroes,
male and female, 10 ; bull calves . , . all the good
8,0 is<>3- 1 449-] ANNALS 119
things of the country. The harvest of Wawat like-
wise.
XXXVth year. His Majesty was in the land of Zahi
in his Xth campaign. His Majesty approached the
city of Aroana for behold the miserable chief of
Naharina had assembled his cavalry and men . . . ( 38 )
of the ends of the land, they were many . . . and they
made war on His Majesty. His Majesty met with
them. The soldiers of His Majesty made a time of
attacking them, seizing and spoiling. His Majesty
prevailed over these foreigners by the spirits of his
father Amen . . . ( 89 ) of Naharina. They turned and
fell down . . . one upon another before His Majesty.
The number of things taken by the king himself of
these foreigners of Naharina . . . ( 40 ) Suits of armour
2, bronze . . . deben. The number
of things taken by the soldiers of His
Majesty from these foreigners : live
prisoners 10, mares 180, chariots 60,
. . . ( 41 ) . . . bronze armour, bronze
... for the head 5, bows of Khalu
5. The captures made in ... ( 42 ) FIG. 68.--Bows from
. . . 226, chariot inlaid with gold yna *
i, chariots inlaid with gold and silver 20 ... ( 4S ) beq
oil jars 953 . . .
(L.D. iif. 31 A ; L.A. xii. 42-44).
( 2 ) earrings (?), bracelets (?), abhat stone, stibium,
. . . antelopes (?), wood for burning.
The work of the vile Kush, 70 deben i qedt of gold,
. . . male and female slaves, . . . oxen, boats laden
with ivory and ebony, and all the good things of that
land ; with the harvest of Kush in that year ... 34
negro slaves male and female, 94 bulls and steers,
beside boats laden with all good things. The harvest
of Wawat was likewise.
[( 4 ) XXXVIIIth year.] . . . in his XII Ith campaign of
victory. His Majesty destroyed ... [in the] territory
of Anaugasa. The number of the captives brought by
120
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN.
the army of His Majesty from the territory of Anau-
gasa was 50 living captives, horses . . . , 3 chariots
, . . with their equipment. ( 5 ) men surrendered of the
territory of Anaugasa. . . . The tribute brought to the
spirits of His Majesty in that year was 328 mares, 522
slaves male and female, 9 chariots adorned with gold
and silver, 61 chariots painted ; total,
70. A collar of real lazuli ... a
goblet, dishes, ( 6 ) heads of goats,
and head of a lion, vessels of all the
work of Zahi . . . [copper?] 2821
deben 3 J qedt ; 276 blocks of native
FIG. 69. Golden lion's copper, 26 blocks of lead, 656 vases
head from Syria. o f incense, 3 jars of sweet and green
beq oil, 1752 jars of seft, 156 jars of
wine, 12 bulls ... 46 asses, i head of a deer, ( 7 ) 5
tusks of ivory, 3 tables of ivory and locust wood, white
FlG. 70. Golden
deer's head from
Syria.
FIG. 71. Shields from
Syria.
FIG. 72. Quiver
from Syria?*"
menu stone 68 deben . . . spears, shields, and bows,
... all kinds of weapons and fragrant wood of that
country, all the best products of that country. Behold
every station was supplied with all good things, accord-
ing to the yearly rate, in going north and going south
(forth and back in campaigns), and the work of the
Remenen (?) likewise. The harvest of Zahi in corn,
green beq oil, incense . . .
The tribute brought by the chief of the Asi : the
native copper . . . horses ....
The tribute of the chief of Arurekh in that year :
male and female slaves, 2 blocks of native copper, 65
B.C. 7503-1449.] ANNALS 121
logs of locust wood, with all the fragrant wood of its
country.
That which was brought to the spirits of His Majesty
from the land of Punt : ( 9 ) 240 heq measures of gums.
The work of the vile Kush : gold 100 [ + x] dcben 6
qedt\ 36 negro slaves male and female, in steers,
185 bulls ; total, 296 ; beside boats laden with ivory and
ebony and all the good things of that land, together
with the harvest of that land.
The work of Wawat . . . 2844, ( 10 ) 16 negroes male
and female, steers 77, beside boats laden with all the
good things of that land.
XXXIXth year, His Majesty was in the land of
Retennu, in his XlVth campaign of victory after he
went [to overthrow] the fallen of the Shasu. The
amount [of tribute . . . 197 male and female slaves, ( n )
229 mares, gold dishes 2 deben,
with rings 12 qedt^ real lazuli 30
deben, silver dishes, a goblet, a
vase in shape of the head of a
bull, 325 various vases, with silver
in rings, making 1495 deben i
qedt; a chariot . . . ( 12 ) white
precious stone, white menkh stone,
natron, white menu stone, and all
the various precious stones of this
land. Incense, sweet beq oil, fresh
beq oil, seft oil, jars of honey, 1405
jars of wine; 84 bulls, 1183 small FIG. 73. Bull's head
cattle, bronze . . . ( 13 ) ... of vase from Syria.
this land with all the produce of
this land. Behold every station was supplied with all
good things, according to their rate of the yearly
supplies, in going north and south ; likewise the
harvest of ... harvest ( 14 ) of the land of Zahi, con-
sisting of corn, incense, dates, wine . . .
(L.D. iii. 30 A.)
XLth year ? (*) [Tribute of the chief] of Asi ; 2 tusks of
ivory, 40 blocks of bronze, i block of lead.
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. XVHL 6.
Tribute of [Kush] ( 2 ) . . . that year, 144 deben 3
qedt of gold, 101 negro slaves male and female, . . .
bulls ( 3 ) . . .
[Tribute of Wawat in that year] ( 3 ) . . . 35 steers,
54 bulls ; total, 89 : beside boats laden with . . .
XLIst year ? ( 4 ) The tribute of the chiefs of Retennu,
brought to His Majesty's spirits ( 5 ) . . . 40 blocks ;
falchion of . . ., bronze spears, ( 6 )
. . . that year 26 tusks of ivory, 241
locust trees, 184 bulls . . . goats, ( r )
. . . incense.
Also the tribute of the chief of the
great Khita in that year was, gold ( 8 )
46[ -f x] deben 2 qedt, 8 male and
female negro slaves, 13 boys for
servants; total, 21. Bulls (?). . . 3144
FIG. 74. -Falchion, deben 3 qedt of gold, 35 steers, 79
oxen total, 1 14 ; beside boats laden
with all good things.
( 10 ) XLIInd year? His Majesty was on the road of
the shore to destroy the city of Arqantu, and the city of
( u ) . . . kana. The city and its district was destroyed.
Approaching the land of Tunep, he laid waste the
city, took its corn, cutting down its groves, ( 12 ) and
those alive, by the troops ; bringing
them, they arrived in peace. ~**~
Approaching the district of Qed-
eshu, taking the fortresses in it.
( 13 ) The number of spoil taken in
them ... of vile Naharina who were
as defenders among them, with their
horses, 691 prisoners, 29 hands [of
slain], 48 mares ( 14 ) ... in that
year 295 male and female slaves, 68
horses, 3 gold dishes, 3 silver dishes,
3 craters, a table ; together with silver
( 15 ) . . . 47 blocks of lead, noo deben of lead, colours,
emery, all the gerns of the land, bronze suits of armour,
utensils, . . . ( 16 ) all the excellent wood of the country.
Behold every station was provided with all good things,
FIG. 75. Suit of
armour.
B.C. 1503-1449.] ANNALS 123
according to the rate of their yearly produce. The
harvest of that country ( 17 ) . . . with dishes, heads in
shape of bulls, weighing 341 deben 2 qedt\ true lazuli,
one stone weighing 33 qedt (n ozs.) ; a good zagu
wood chair, native copper.
( 18 ) [Tribute of the chief] of Tanai (?) : a silver jug of
the work of Keftiu, with 3 vases of
bronze with silver handles, weighing
56 deben i qedt . . . ( 19 ) with all the
good things of that land.
The harvest of the vile Kush ; like-
wise the work of the Wawat in that
year, was, gold 2374 deben i qedt . . .
(' 20 ) Wawat.
Then His Majesty ordered that the
FIG 7 6^iaveriug victories which he had made, beginning
-from Syria. in his XXIIIrd and continuing to his*
XLIInd year, should be recorded on
this tablet on this shrine."
A private inscription of the officer Amen'enrheb is of
value, as giving some further details of the northern
campaigns. But no distinction is made between
different years, and only two distinctive names are
found which occur in the Annals ; these are Senzaru
and Niy, both of which were visited in the XXXIIIrd
year. This might well be the date of the active life of
Amen'envheb ; for though he appears twenty-one years
later under Amenhotep II., he then takes no part in
fighting or work, but merely accompanies the king in
Egypt. He says (A.Z. xi. i, 63):
I was very true to the prince, pure of heart to the
king of Upper Egypt, glorious of heart to the king of
Lower Egypt. I followed ( 2 ) my lord at his goings in
the land of the north and south, and he desired that I
should be the companion of his feet. He ( 3 ) performed
his victories, and his valour fortified the heart. I made
a capture in the land of ( 4 ) Negeba (the Negeb), I took
Amu 3 persons, living captives.
When His Majesty came to Naharina ( 6 ) I took 3
I2 4 TAHUTIMES III DWN. xvni. 6.
persons as my spoil thence ; I set them before Thy
Majesty as living* captives.
( 6 ) Again I took spoil in this expedition in the high
land of Wan on the west of Khalubu (Aleppo): I
brought ( 7 ) Amu living 'prisoners 13 persons, 70 live
asses, 13 bronze weapons, and . . . bronze weapons
inlaid with gold.
( 8 ) Again I took spoil in this expedition in the land
of Karika-masha (Karkhemish). I brought thence
. . . persons ( 9 ) as living captives. I crossed the
water of Naharina with them in my hand . . . ( 10 )
[I brought them] before my Lord. Then he rewarded
me with a great reward, the amount . . . ( n ) I saw
the power of the king Men'kheper'ra, the giver of life,
in the land of Senzaru (Singara) ; he made . . . ( 12 )
I made a capture before the king, I brought a hand
thence. He gave me gold of praise, the amount . . .
( 13 ) and 2 deben silver.
Again I saw his valour, I was among his followers
capturing ( 14 ) Kedeshu, I did not leave the place where
he was ; I brought thence 2 marina [living prisoners, I
placed them] ( 15 ) before the king the lord of the two
lands, Tahutmes the ever-living : he gave me gold for
my valour before all persons ( 16 ) ; the amount was of
beaten gold a lion, 2 necklaces, 2 helmets, and 4 rings.
I saw my lord in ... ( 17 ) ... in all his forms in the^
borders of the land of ... ( 18 ) . . . and again gold
was given me for it. I rose to ...
Again I saw his might in the land of Takhisi . . .
( 20 ) I made a captive from
it before the king ; I brought
3 Amu as living prisoners ;
gave to me ( 21 ) my lord gold of
reward, the amount was 2 gold
... 4 bracelets, 2 helmets, a
lion, and a female slave.
(22\ Again ... a second
FIG. 77 .-Elephant from Syria. good WQrk done by the j Qrd -
of the two lands in the land of Niy, he hunted 120
elephants for their tusks . . . ( 23 ) the largest one which
B.C. 1503-14490 ANNALS 125
was among them began to fight against His Majesty ; I
cut off his hand while he was alive . . ., ( 24 ) I went in
the water between two rocks, my lord rewarded me
with gold ( 25 ). He gave me . . . clothing 3 pieces.
The king of Qedshu made a mare come forth ( 26 ) in
front . . . She ran in the midst of the army, I ran after
her ( 27 ) on foot, having my weapon. I ripped up her
body, I cut off her tail, I gave ( ij8 ) it to the king, and
they praised God for me on account of this. He caused
joy to fill my body and pleasure thrilled my limbs.
( 29 ) When His Majesty ordered that every valorous
man of his troops should go forth to break through the
new walls made for Qedshu, I broke them open, I led
all the valiant. No other person went before me, I
brought ( 31 ) marina ^ living prisoners. Again His
Majesty rewarded me on account of it with all ( 32 ) good
things that are pleasing before the king. I made this
capture while I was captain . . . ( 33 ) I arranged the
steering in . . . as the headman of his companions ( 34 )
in rowing [the boat of Amen] in his good festival of
Thebes, mankind was in joy . . .
( 35 ) Behold the king had ended his time of existence
of many good years of victory, power, and ( ; * 6 ) justifica-
tion from the ist year to the 54th year. In the 3Oth of
Phamenoth of the majesty of the king, ( 37 ) Menkheper-
ra deceased, he ascended to* heaven and joined the
sun's disc, the follower of the god met his maker.
When the light dawned and the morrow came, ( 8S )
the disc of the sun arose and heaven became bright.
The king Aa'khepenrra, son of the sun, Amenhotep,
the giver of life, ( 39 ) was established on the throne of
his father, he rested on the ka name, he struck down
all, he thrust . . . ( 40 ) of Deshert, he hewed off the
heads of their chiefs, crowned as Horus the son of Isis,
he took ( 41 ) [possession of] that land.
The remaining lines mention his accompanying the
king in Egypt and in the palace.
L26
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. xvm. 6.
GREATER MONUMENTS.
The most northern monument of Tahutmes III. was
the triumphal stele which he erected on his frontier by
the Euphrates in the neighbourhood of the city of Niy,
by the tablet of his father. This appears to have been
as far north as Aleppo ; but hitherto it has not been
discovered. His other Asiatic remains are the steles in
Sinai, At Sarbut el Khadem is a stele of the 23rd year,
with the king offering to Hathor, the noble and high
officer Roy holding the fan behind him (L.D. iii. 29 a).
Another stele dated in the 27th year shows the king
again offering to Hathor, the goddess of that region ;
and a portion of a doorway of his lies near it (from
photographs). Pieces of glazed vases are also found
there. In the Wady Maghara is an inscription of his
(My. E. 344).
The long-neglected Delta began to revive under this
reign. At Kom el Hisn, on the
north-west, is a town with many
Ramesside remains which prove
it to be the ancient Amu (G.N.
78). But the rebuilding of the
temple here dates as early as
Tahutmes III. ; as a vase evid-
ently from a foundation deposit""
(bought in Cairo), names him
44 beloved of Hathor, lady of
Amu" (P.P. Coll.). This is
identical in style with the vases
of his deposits at Koptos.
At Heliopolis (An) he carried
out great works. A large jamb of
a gateway was formerly in the
citadel at Cairo (D E.Y. 24, i) ; it named Tahutmes
beloved of Turn of An, and of the spirits of An, and that
he made a gate of pure stone of Bekhen. Two other
blocks of a gateway were recently still in place (B.R.
ix. 23 a, b). A stele of the 47th year (Berlin, L.D. iii.
29 b) informs us that he built a wall with gates around
FIG. 78. Alabaster vase of
Tahutmes III., founda-
tion deposit of Amu.
F. P. Coll.
B.C. I503-I449-] GREATER MONUMENTS 127
the temple of Ra (L.D. iii. 29 bj. Ameirenrant, whose
tomb is at Abusir, was perhaps the architect here, as he
was " overseer of works of the temple of Ra." His
other titles are prince in Memphis, overseer of all the
royal works, and general of the troops (L.D. iii. 296).
The two obelisks which stood at Heliopolis, erected by
Tahutmes III., were dedicated to Turn of Heliopolis.
Both were appropriated by Ramessu II., who added
lines of inscription on either side of the original line
down the middle of each face. Usarkon I. has also
added his name. One, and probably both obelisks,
were removed from there in the i8th year of Augustus,
B.C. 12, as recorded upon the bronze figures of crabs
which were placed as ornaments below each corner
(A. C. Merriam, Inscrips. on the Obelisk-Crab). They
were placed at Alexandria in front of the Caesareum ;
and remained there until one (68 J feet high) was
removed to London in 1877, and the other (69 J feet
high) was removed to New York in 1879. The obelisks
of the Lateran and of Constantinople have been
reported to belong to Heliopolis ; but, as we shall see
farther on, they probably come from Thebes.
At Abusir is the tomb of Amen-envant, as we have
just noticed. At Memphis it appears (according to an
inscription at Sakkara, B.H. 403) that a temple was
erected to Ptah. At Gurob, at the entrance to the
Fayum, a temple was built with a town around it at
the end of the great dyke of the Fayum (P.I. xxv.). A
lintel (P.I. xxiv. 3), now in Adelaide, and other stones
(P.K. xxii. 2), give the king's name;
the erasures show that this lasted
until the time of Akhenaten ; but the
temple was soon after ruined and
mostly removed, and houses built
over its site. This town was ruined FIG. 79.
in the foreign invasion and expul- j** d
sion under Merenptah, and was coll.
scarcely occupied since.
The rock temple of Speos Artemidos, near Beni
Hasan, begun by Hatshepsut, was continued by
128 TAHUTIMES III [DVN. xvm. 6.
Tahutmes III. (L.D. iii. 26, 7). At El Bersheh a
tablet was carved on the rock, dated in 33rd year, on
the 2nd of Mesore, wishing the king- millions of the Sed
festivals, that great feast of 30 years having* taken
place two or three days before the dating- of this
stele.
At Ekhmim is a scene carved in a rock chamber, of
Tahutmes (written Men'ra'kheper) adoring Amen-Min
(L.D. iii. 29 d) ; and another inscription in the temple
site (My. E. 431). At Abydos a colossus of Osiris
bears the name of the king on the back (M.A. i). At
Dendera an inscription in a crypt mentions ."the
restoring of the monument made by the king, lord
of both lands, Men'kheper'ra, lord of the crowns,
Tahutmes, according to the discovery of ancient
writings of the time of Khufu" (D.D. i.) ; and a block
of Tahutmes remains there in the later building (D.D.
iii. d). He also dedicated a great sistrum of mafek
(malachite?), 16 digits (a foot) high, which is figured in
the later sculpture (D.D. ii. c). In Wady Hammamat
is also an inscription of this king (My. E. 326).
At Koptos he entirely rebuilt the temple. Deep
foundations were laid, which lasted through all the
successive rebuildings, and through the Ptolemaic
clearance, down to Roman times. The front was
supported by six large pillars, placed on deep-and
massive sub - structures. Beneath the walls were
several foundation deposits of models of tools, ores,
vases in alabaster, and a great quantity of pottery : all
of the more valuable objects were inscribed for
Tahutmes, " beloved of Min of Koptos." Though the
upper building of this temple has been removed, yet
fragments show that the walls were all of Silsileh
sandstone, in place of the limestone used in the earlier
temples. The pillars were of red granite sculptured
with scenes of the king offering. They were probably
re-used in the later temples, as they remained accessible
in Christian times, and were removed from the ruins
to build into a Coptic church, of which little remains
now but these pillars. Near Dallas, opposite Koptos,
B.C. 1503-1449- .1
GREATER MONUMENTS
129
is the ruin of the small town of Nubt, built by this king*
and Amenhotep II., the bricks being stamped with
their cartouches. Foundation deposits and a sand-
stone jamb of Tahutmes III. were lately found there.
Karnak shows the greatest work of this reign. The
old temple, which had been renewed and enlarged by
this family, had an immense addition made behind it.
A great hall was built, over 130 feet long, supported on
FIG. 80. Columns of Tahutmes III. Karnak.
two rows of pillars and two rows of columns ; it lay
across the axis of the temple in front of a new
sanctuary. Numerous chambers opened around it,
forming a complex mass of nearly fifty halls and rooms.
In the older part great changes were made. A thin
pylon (VI.), or wall, was thrust in between the
sanctuary and the pylons of Tahutmes I. It bears
130
TAHUTIMES III
[DVN. xvni. 6.
some of the most valuable documents, in the long lists
of conquered towns and peoples; three lists are of
northern, and one is of southern names. Also a casing
was built around the lower parts of the obelisks of
Hatshepsut, so as to hide
all her address to those who
should gaze on her work,
and desire to know who
did it. On the inner side
of this pylon of Tahutmes
are the two beautiful
granite pillars adorned
with lotus flowers on each
side. The valuable list of
ancestors whom the king
is represented adoring was
in the southern side of the
surrounding chambers of
the temple ; but the whole
part was so barbarously
destroyed in the surrepti-
tious theft of the sculptures
by Prisse, that Mariette
could not trace even the
position of the chambers.
Leaving the main temple,
the southern approach
was further decorated by
another pylon (VII.), be-
hind the pylon (VIII.) of
Tahutmes I. Adjoining
that is the eastern wall of
the court, and'opening from
that wall is a small temple
of alabaster. The walls
bordering the sacred lake here are also of this reign.
To the north the small temple of Ptah was built by
Tahutmes ; and his name also occurs in the temple of
Mut. The brick wall around the whole of the build-
ings then existing was also the work of Tahutmes III.
FIG. 8 1. Lotus pillars of Tahutmes
III. Karnak.
D.C. 1503-1449.] GREATER MONUMENTS 131
At Medinet Habu, this king finished the temple which
had been In progress since his grandfather's time, and
which was mainly built by his father, and decorated by
him and Hatshepsut. It was then but a small building,
and was restored by Horernheb, by Sety I., by Ramessu
XII., and by Painezem I., according to their successive
notices on the front wall. Then Taharqa added a front
court and pylon in front, cutting through the temenos
of Ramessu III.; the XXXth dynasty added another
court in front of that ; Ptolemy X. added a great pylon
before that ; and. lastly, Antoninus added a forecourt
in front of all.
At Deir el Bahri, or Assassif, the great design of
Hatshepsut was finished by Tahutmes III. after her
death ; one doorway is entirely inscribed by him
(D.H. ii. xxxiv.), showing that the work was not
completed by her. The obelisks would be among the
later objects, and it is therefore very probable that they
were erected or at least inscribed by Tahutmes. The
height of the great pair of obelisks is recorded by an
inscription in the temple to have been 108 cubits
(L.D. iii. 27, n) ; and as nothing more than the bases
of them have been seen in the temple, we naturally
look around to see if they have been carried elsewhere.
The length of 185 feet is so much greater than that of
any other obelisk, that it is probable that the width was
not as large in proportion, as that would have made
the weight impossibly heavy to move. The obelisk of
Hatshepsut is 97^ feet high, 7 feet 10 inches wide at
base, and about 5 feet 8 inches at top (measured from
a photograph) ; the obelisk of Tahutmes III. (Lateran)
is 105^ feet high, 9 feet 9 inches wide at base, and about
5 feet 10 inches at top. Taking the lighter obelisk, that
of Hatshepsut, which weighs about 300 tons, if the
thickness were increased proportionally to the length
on 185 feet, it would imply a weight of over 2000 tons.
This is so obviously excessive (as the heaviest blocks
yet known are the colossi of Ramessu II., 800 tons at
the Ramesseum, and 900 tons at Tanis), that we cannot
suppose that the thickness was proportionate to the
132
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. XVIH. 6.
A
A
height. Probably, therefore, the missing 1 obelisks
should be about the same width at the top as the other
great obelisks, and wider at the base.
The only obelisk that could
fit this requirement is that of
Constantinople. It is only the
top of a broken obelisk ; but
the inscription on the south
face is exactly parallel to that
on the west face of Hatshep-
sut's obelisk. If it continued
like that, its height would come
to about 1 20 feet ; but it may,
of course, have been a longer
inscription. If we suppose
that it was 172 feet (or 100
cubits, leaving 13 feet for
pedestal), then, as the top is
about 5 feet 6 inches wide (by
photograph), and the broken
end 7 feet wide, the base would
have been 10 feet 2 inches
wide, there being no per-
ceptible entasis. As the
Lateran obelisk is 9 feet 9
inches, this size of base would
be very probable for a longer
obelisk, mass. The weight of this
Constantinople obelisk would
then be about 800 tons, or just
of the same class as the two
greatest colossi.
The problem, therefore,
stands thus. Two obelisks
existed at Deir el Bahri 185 feet high, probably including
the pedestals. The Constantinople fragment (judging
by the inscription) was apparently from an obelisk
longer than any other known, and therefore has the
best claim to be one of the missing pair. It is so
slender that, if protracted to the same base width as the
K C L
FIG. 82. K. Hatshepsut's
obelisk at Karnak.
L. Tahutmes III.
Lateran.
C. Broken top of obelisk at
Constantinople, continued
down to same breadth as
Lateran, and making (with
the base) a height of 108
cubits as described.
6.c. 1503-1449.] GREATER MONUMENTS 133
Lateran, it would be of about the recorded length. If
it were of that length, its existing width and slope
would imply a weight about the same as that of the
Heaviest masses known to have been transported. And
it was dedicated to Amen, and therefore probably
came from Thebes. It is then most likely that we see
in this the top of one of the great obelisks of Deir el
Bahri. What became of the lower part, and of the
other obelisk, we may guess when we see the multitude
of obelisks erected by Ramessu II., and remember
how ruthlessly he re-worked the stones of his pre-
decessors.
An interesting inscription concerning the obelisks of
Tahutmes III. exists in the tomb of Puamra at Qurneh.
The king is seated " beholding monuments of great
works made by the king, lord of both lands, Men*
kheperra, to his father Amen in Thebes, great in
silver and gold, and all noble things, by the prince, the
beloved of the god Puam." Before him stand three of
the architects and three of the builders, saying, "Come
the overseers of works speaking of these princely
things, delighting thy heart by thy creation of all these
thy high works." The first three are " overseers of
workmen of the temple of Amen " ; the other three are
" overseers of works of the temple of Amen." Behind
them are two great obelisks with inscriptions dedicating
them to Amen (L.D. iii. 390).
' Another tomb shows the king offering two obelisks,
with vases, arms, collars, boxes, gold rings (613 \ deben
weight), etc., to Amen (C.M. 316-7).
The great tomb of Reklrma-ra (which we have
drawn from in previous pages to illustrate the foreign
tribute) shows that he had to do with the monuments
of the king, and with the plating of the temple gates
with gold from the Rutennu (M.A.F. v. 57). Similarly,
Men-kheper-ra-senb states that he had seen Tahutmes
make a monolith shrine of red granite entirely plated
with electrum, and a colonnade and pair of obelisks
likewise covered.
At Taud, above Thebes, are fragments of sculptures
134
TAHUTIMES III
N. xvin. 6.
of this reign. At Esneh a great stele of the king is
mentioned in an inscription of the time of Claudius
(L.D. iv. 8 a). At El Kab an architrave of the temple
of Sebek is of this age (C.N. 266); and a small temple
surrounded by a colonnade like the destroyed one
of Elephantine stood here (W.T. 430). At Edfu is a
Ptolemaic inscription stating that Tahutmes III. built
FIG. 83. The overseers of works who made
the obelisks. Thebes.
the temple of Hathor at Edfu (A.Z. ix. 97). At Kom
Ombo stood a grand pylon to the temenos of the
temple, which, though built by Hatshepsut ; was carved
by Tahutmes III. The lintel of it was a Ptolemaic
restoration (L.D. iii. 28, i ; R.R. 28); but all this is
now washed away by the Nile. A lintel block of
Tahutmes III., perhaps washed out of some later
structure, lay on the bank recently (A.Z. xxi. 78).
u.c. 15^3-^4490 GREATER MONUMENTS 135
At Elephantine some temple existed, as is shown by
the blocks ofTahutmes III. which remained built into
the quay wall. But there is no evidence to which
temple they belonged ; and it is more likely that they
were part of some ruined temple of Tahutmes rebuilt
by the Ptolemies, than that the temple of Amenhotep
III. was begun by Tahutmes. A block of this king
remains also at the railway station at Aswan (Rec.
ix. 81). An obelisk from the temple of Elephantine is
stated to be at Sion House (Birch, History, 102). An
inscription at Sehel records the clearing again of the
canal of the cataract (see i. p. 179): "The year 50,
Pakhons 22, under the majesty of king Men'kheperra,
His Majesty commanded to cut this canal, after he had
found it choked with stones so that no vessel crossed
on it. His Majesty passed over it, his heart rejoicing
that he had slain his enemies. Name of this canal,
1 Open the way well by Men'kheperra. 1 The fishers of
Elephantine are to dredge this canal every year " (Rec.
xiii. 203). Another stele shows the king adoring the
gods Khnum Anket and Sati (M.I. i. 101, 218). Pro-
bably a temple was built on the island of Bigeh by
this king, judging from a statue there (W.T. 470).
In Nubia was one of the greatest fields of archi-
tectural activity of Tahutmes III. Almost every site
there appears to have been settled by him, and temples
built to the local gods. At Kalabsheh is said to be a
granite statue in the temple, and a block with his name
Prokesch Nilfahrt 575). At Kuban is an inscription
My. E. 538). At Dakkeh also a mention of the king
S.N. 136). At Korti is a stone of Tahutmes, and the
foundations of the temple which was rebuilt later
(L.L. 124). At Amadah is a gateway ofTahutmes III.
on one jamb, and of Amenhotep II. on the other jamb,
while both names occur jointly on the lintel. This
points to a co-regency (L.D. iii. 65 b, c). A great stele
in the third year of Amenhotep II. shows that the
work was done here at the close of the reign of
Tahutmes (L.D. iii. 65 a), and that the co-regency was
not long. There is also a scene of Tahutmes embraced
136 TAHUTIMES III frvN.xvm.6.
by Isis-Selk (L.D. iii. 45). At Ellesiyeh are scenes of
Tahutmes III. adoring Ra, Dedun, and Usertesen IIL
(L.D. iii. 45 d), and of Uaxet and Mut embracing the
king, and his offering to Hathor and Horus of Behen,
Maam, and Ta'khens (L.D. iii. 46). A stele here is
dated in the 42nd year, Pakhons 14 (L.D. iii. 45 e),
showing again that the Nubian works were toward the
end of the reign. At Ibrim are two rock chapels ; one
has a lintel with the king's name, and inside are
figures of the king before Horus of Maam ; the other
chapel shows him before Horus of Maam and-Sati
(C.N. 79). These shrines were carved by the viceroy
Nehi, who is frequently met with in this region.
At Wady Haifa a brick temple was erected by
Tahutmes III. to the Horus of Beheni. By the door is
a stele of his 23rd year (B.E. 341). Also a grand
temple at Semneh (L.D. iii. 47-56), and a fellow one at
the other fortress of Kummeh (L.D. iii. 57-59 a, 64 b)
were probably both begun by the preceding kings, but
completed and adorned by the viceroy Nehi under
Tahutmes III. At the island of Sai (lat. 20 42' N.)
are the remains of a temple of this reign, built by the
viceroy Nehi (L.D. iii. 59 b, c). At Dosheh appear
Tahutmes III. and Usertesen III. together, and also
Tahutmes offering to Horus of Ta'khens (L.D. iii.
59 d, e). And the founding of the temple of Soletr4s
attributed likewise to this reign.
We see thus the most extraordinary activity in
building ; and probably dozens of minor temples have
passed away which are quite unknown to us, as little
suspected as the temples of Kom el Hisn, Gurob, and
Nubt were a few years ago. As it is, we can count
up over thirty different sites, all of which were built on
during this reign. The Nubian buildings seem to be
mostly of later date than the others, and the record of
clearing the canal in the soth year shows activity there
at that time. It would seem probable that the last
ten years of the great conqueror- were devoted to
affirming his power in the south.
B.C. 1503-1449.3
LESSER MONUMENTS
137
LESSER MONUMENTS.
The statues of Tahutmes III. are numerous, but
seldom colossal. At Karnak is the base of a seated
colossus in hard white silicious limestone, at the west
end. of the front of pylon VIII. (M.K. 38 dj. The head
of a colossus in brown granite is in the British Museum,
but the statue of it is unknown.
A standing- statue in red granite from Karnak, rather
over life size, is in Cairo (G. Mus.,
V.G. 202); it was found in the
axial chamber or sanctuary of the
buildings of Tahutmes III. at the
east end of the temple (M.K. p.
34). A seated black granite statue
was also found at Karnak in many
fragments, now rejoined (G. Mus.,
V.G. 214). Many dozens of
statues of this king are also
stated to have existed at Karnak
(M.K. p. 36). At Turin is a very
fine statue in black and white
diorite (L.T. 1376; the head, L.D.
iii. 292, 30). Another seated
statue in dark grey granite, but
headless, was brought from Nubia
probably Elephantine, as it
names the gods of that place : it
is now at Florence (S. Cat. F.
1503). At Abydos remains still a
torso, and a throne (M.A. 348-9).
At Alexandria stood a statue
of the king, " beloved of Anit, lady of Dendera "
(B.R. ix. 3, p. 18). A torso lies behind the temple at
Karnak, and two fragments of statues before the first
pylon of the hypostyle at Luxor (W.G. 358). A bust
in red granite was found at Karnak (V.G. 192). A
bronze statuette of the king is reputed to be at
Marseille, but is not in Maspero's catalogue. Two
FIG. 84. Statue of Ta-
hutmes III. Karnak.
TAHUTIMES III
. xvii i. 6.
statues are mentioned in inscriptions by Tahutmes IV.
(M.K. 33), and by Neb'ua-iu (M.A. ii. 33).
Two sphinxes in red granite were found in a chamber
at the back of the hall of pillars of Tahutmes, along*
with two tables of offerings probably for offering 1 before
them (V.G. 221-2 ; M.K. 32 b, pp. 34, 55). A drawing
of the king on a board divided in squares for the canon
FIG. 85. Board with figure of Tahutmes III., drawn on squares.
Brit. Mus.
of proportion is in the British Museum (A.B. 33); and
a trial piece with uncertain heads and this king's
name is at Turin (L.D. iii. 304).
A stele, showing Tahutmes adoring- Min, is at
Turin (L.T. 1460) ; and one was found in the chapel of
Uazmes, showing Tahutmes III. adoring his grandfather
and prince Uazmes (M.E. ii.). A large, high block of
B.C. 1503-1449-
LESSER MONUMENTS
red granite, with figures half detached in relief,
representing Tahutmes held hand in hand by Mentu
and Hathor, twice repeated, was found at Karnak.
From the size, about 5^ feet high and 3 x i feet at
the top, it cannot be an altar ; but would be exactly
suited as a stand for resting the sacred bark in the
temple, when depositing it from the priests' shoulders
after a procession (B. Mus., A.B. 34). Another such
block is said to be still at Karnak (W.G. 366). A
large and very fine altar is in the Vatican (Massi,
Guide, 87). An altar of the kalathos form was found
at Salonika (A.Z. vi. 79). And two fine altars of red
granite and of alabaster belonged to the sphinxes of
Tahutmes in a back hall of the Karnak temple built by
him (Hall Y 1 , M.K. 32 b ; V.G. 211 ; M.B. 98).
Many alabaster vases are known, to which references
are given at the head of this reign. The important
ones are those with the contents marked. One at
Turin contained nine hins, but is filled with bitumen (?),
so that it cannot be guaged ; another at Ghizeh con-
tained 21 hins, and as it measures 581 cubic inches,
the hin was 27*7 c. i. in this case. Two glass vases
with the name of Men'kheperra are ^ _
the earliest dated glass known, and
show much facility in the working and
knowledge of the material (B. Mus.;
Ms. A. 251 ; R.C. Ixii. 6). Two ivory
tablets with the name are reported to
exist at Marseille (W.G. 368), but are
not apparent in Maspero's catalogue :
they are probably those which are now
considered false. A very strange series
of fourteen labels of wood and one of
stone, bearing the names of princesses,
three of which have also the name of
Tahutmes III. , were found in a tomb in
Thebes by Rhind. That they were original labels of
the mummies of the princesses, seems very unlikely ;
they may have belonged to slaves or servants of the
princesses, as there are so many different names.
FIG. 86. Glass vase
of Tahutmes III.
140 tAHUTIMES III tovN.xvni.6.
From the style of the names they seem to be all of
this same period, so they are not likely to be labels
which were attached in course of removing a series
of miscellaneous royal mummies in later times. The
names are stated here in dealing with the family of
the king. A feather head-dress of Amen with the
king's name (T. Mus.), a fish-shaped dish of green
glaze (Ms. G. 124), and a scribe's palette for " Tahutmes
III. loved by Amen and Ptah" (Bologna), are of this
reign.
A few papyri remain. One in Turin (No. i) recounts
how a scribe User 'amen had served royalty for thirty
years ; as he dates in the fifth year of this reign, he
began in the middle of Tahutmes Ist's reign.
Rings are common in all materials, except glazed
pottery, which does not appear till Tahutmes IV. One
ring in gold found at Gurob (Fig. 48) shows that
the king was born at Thebes (mes uas). The contem-
porary scarabs of this reign are com-
moner than in any other ; and the
name of Men'kheperra continued to
be placed on amulets and scarabs in
_^ many later times, so that two scarabs
Fio.Sr.-Scarabof Out * ^ *" . with m f * re
Tahutmes III. generally of this king. His lasting
F. P. Coll. popularity shows how deeply the glories
of his reign had impressed Egyptians
with the greatest epoch of their history. Two later
kings retook his name, the husband of Isi'enrkheb in
the XXIst, and Piankhy in the XXVth dynasty.
PRIVATE MONUMENTS.
We now turn to the remains of private persons,
which, from the length and the riches of this reign, are
unusually important.
Beginning with those who lived in this reign, there
are the following officials and others :
Aa'ma'ihu, vizier, tomb, Silsileh (L.D. Hi. 25 bis, o; S.B.A.
xii. 103; M.A.F. v. i. 3).
B.C. I503-I449-]
PRIVATE MONUMENTS
141
Amen'ewant) architect and general, Abusir (L.D. iii. 29 e).
Amen'em-hat, keeper of the palace, Heliopolis(L.D. iii. 29 c).
Amen'em'heb) tomb with Rutennu
Amen* em f hat, tomb, stele, 28th year
Amen'em'ka, cones, second prophet of king
Amen'em'meruf, ivekil of the palace, Leydcn
Amen'mes, overseer of north, tomb, Asasssif.
(M.A.F.v.224-285),
(L.D. iii. 38 e-g;
A.Z. xxi. 132).
(M.A.F. viii. 279,
82).
(Lb. D. 595)-
FIG. 88. Rekh'ma-ra.
Amen-user, tomb 119, vizier
Amunzeh, keeper of the palace, tomb
Antef t chief reporter, tomb, Drah a. Negg-a.
Bahes'heku, feather-bearer, Turin
Humai, governor of Memphis, P. Mus.
Kargui, scribe of Nubian treasury, Addeh
JChartt, fan-bearer
Mau'en'hegu, armour-bearer, Turin
Men'kheperra'senb, A, keeper of magazines
B, tomb 59
(B.E. ii. 191).
(M.A.F.V. 337-
(Rec. iii. 124).
(S. h. 14).
(W. G. 3 68).
(Lb. D. 591).
(L.T. 1459).
(B.C. 127 cone).
(C.N.t.ss7;M.A.F.
v. 197-223).
I 4 2 TAHUTIMES III [DYN. xvm, 6.
ny keeper of granaries, Abbott papvrus.
,, tomb, keeper of audience hall (Rec. ix. 97).
Neby, great builder of the king 1 , Dresden (A.Z. xix. 67).
Nehi, viceroy of Ethiopia (L.D. iii, 59 b, c,
etc.; C.N. 79).
Penaati, chief of works (P.S. 357).
statue, Turin (S. Cat. F. 1505).
Ptah'mesy high priest, Memphis, naos, Abydos (V.G. 200 ; M.A.
ii. 32).
,, ,, ,, pyramid, Berlin (B.C. 91).
Puam'ra, over the royal monuments, and
governor of the small Oasis (D.O. i, 2 a, p. 22 ; L.D. iii. 39 c),
ushabti-coffin (B.C. 125), stele (V.G. 215).
Rekh'ma'ra, vizier, great tomb, No. 35,
Qurneh (M.A.F v.; H.E. xlvi.-xlix.; P. A. 97, 100).
Set, guardian of the palace (Lb. D. 587).
Tahutii general, gold dish, silver dish, canopic
jar (Louvre), gold heart scarab, canopic jar,
kohl pot (Leyden), dagger (Darmstadt).
Tahuti, scribes, coffin (M.B. 577), palette (M.A. 1486 and
Ms. G. 120).
Tahutmes, wekil of the palace (Lb. D. 595, 608).
,, high priest of Memphis (S. Cat. *F. 1570).
User, vizier (M.K. 32 g); stele, 24th year, tomo (A.Z. xxi. 132).
User'hat, overseer of serfs of the king (L.P. 26).
Zanuni) scribe of general census, tomb (C.N. 831), stele (Turin ;
Rec. iv. 13; M.A.F. v. 591).
Priests of Tahutmes III. in later times :
Bakta, qemat of Tahutmes III., stele, P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 77).
Horam.es \ adoring Sopd and Tahutmes III. (E.L. 40). ~-
Horem'heb, tomb (C.N. i. 492 ; L.D. iii. 78 b).
Ima'ducty great tomb under Rams. X. (C.N. i. 563).
Ken*amen^ priest, Abydos (M.A. 1108, ii. 49).
Khaemuas, 2nd prophet of T. Tomb of Khonsu (Qurneh)
Khonsu, ist prophet of T. Rams. II. tomb (Qurneh)
Men'kheper, prayer to royal ka (C.N. i. 839).
Ra, priest (L.D. iii. 62 b).
Ran y priest (Berlin, 2067 ?)
SakedenU) priest, cones (M.A.F. viii. 299, 294).
Sen'nefer adoring Nefertari, Sa*pair, Tahutmes
I. and III., Amenhotep II., seal and palace
keeper, tomb, Qurneh (L.T. 1455).
The importance of these private remains is in show-
ing details of the foreign peoples and tributes ; these
we have already noticed,
&c 1503-1449] ROYAL FAMILY 143
ROYAL FAMILY.
Of the family of Tahutmes III. but little is known.
His queen, of whom his heir Amenhotep II. was born,
was Meryfra Hatshepset, daughter of Hatshepsut ;
this is shown by Amenhotep
being accompanied with his
mother in tomb scenes (L.D.
iii. 62, 64), and on a scarab
(M.A. ii. 40 n). A female
sphinx representing her, with
the name of her husband on
the chest, was found in the
temple of Isis at Rome, now
in the Baracco collection, and
casts of it at Turin and Berlin
(A. Z. xx. 118). The queen ^V 8 ^. 11 ^ of Tahutmes
* , , . i i i \ i III., Deirel Bahn. Photo-
appears behind her husband graphed by Mr. Carter.
at Medinet Habu (L.D. iii.
38 a, b ; C.M. 195, 3) ; and in a tomb (L.D. iii. 63 a).
A strange collection of labels bearing the names of
princesses was found by Rhind at Thebes. A tomb
sealed under Amenhotep III. had been broken open ;
in the upper chamber were fragments of coffins and
funereal furniture, with these labels lying loose ; in the
lower chamber were the despoiled mummies. Not
having any of the pieces of the coffins dated or pre-
served, it is possible that they and the mummies all
belonged to subsequent interments, but not likely ; as,
if the place had been cleared out for fresh burials, the
entrance would have been regularly opened. And as
it is not likely that a whole clearance would have been
made within sixty years, the seal of Amenhotep is
probably of the same closing of the tomb to which
these labels of Tahutmes III. belong.
The question then arises, who were the persons con-
nected with the labels? The little slips of wood, with
names written on in rough hieratic with ink, are not at
all grand ; and Rhind suggested that they might have
been for slaves of the various princesses. This is the
144 TAHUTIMES III [DYN. xvm, 6,
more likely, as there are three labels of one name, and
two of each of two other names : so they must have
referred to persons or things belonging to the prin-
cesses, and could not be body labels for themselves.
But no person is named beside the princesses, except
on two labels, the household or funeral officials, namely,
an inspector, two guardians, and an embalmer, are
inscribed.
Turning next to the names, we read first: " Year
27, Pharmuthi 2. King's daughter Nebtau, daughter
of the royal son Sa'tum " (see No. i). Here the title
king's daughter must mean descendant, as Sa'tum was
her immediate father. Another inscription bears on
this, as Neb'amen was keeper of the house of the royal
wife Nebtu (Rec. ix. 97), whose name is probably the
same as Nebtau, with a slight blunder in one or other.
Neb'amen had served Tahutmes II., then dead, and
Nebtu was also dead when he wrote under Tahutmes III.
This date of twenty-seven years after Tahutmes II. is not
at all impossible to fit his biography. Who, then, was
the queen Nebtu ? As the date above on the label is forty
years after the death of Tahutmes I., it seems more
likely that Nebtu was a queen of Tahutmes III., who
died young. The tomb appears to have been in use
till some time later, by the seal of Amenhotep III. ;
and hence the various king's daughters named, ^nd
stated to be of the house of the royal children of
Tahutmes III., were, probably his daughters. Their
names are recorded
* ' Princess Taui . . . of the house of the royal
children of Men'kheper'ra ; those who follow her,
inspector Maa, guardian . . ., guardian Nefer . . .,
embalmer ..."
" Princess Ta'kheta, of the house of the royal
children of Men'kheperra ; those who follow her, the
inspector Tugay, guardian Si, guardian Nefer u-er*hatf,
embalmer Nefer'renpit " (sse No. 2).
" Princess Pefahuha of Men'kheperra " (3).
"Princess Pefpui, surnamed Ta'khet'aui" (2).
" Princess Meryfptah."
B.C. IS03-M49-]
ROYAL FAMILY
14S
" Princess Sat'hora."
" Princess Nefer'amen."
" Princess Uaay."
" Princess Henut'anu" (2).
Bearing on the date, we may notice that the Kheta
do not appear named among Egyptian foes till the
FIG. 90. i. Label of Nebtau.
2. Label of Ta'kheta.
33rd year of Tahutmes III.; hence Ta'kheta (who was
probably the child of some captive of the Kheta)
would probably have died late in his reign.
At the close of this reign, one of the grandest and
most eventful in Egyptian history, we may well pause
to look at the new conditions
of life which were thus forced
on the country.
In the previous crises of the
land, when it was invaded
by the Libyans in the Vllth,
by the Amu or Asiatics in
the IXth, and again in the
XlVth dynasty, but little
effect was made upon the
national art and character.
The invaders were apparently less civilised than the
II 10
FIG. 91. Haematite scarab of
Tahutmes III., found in
Cappadocia, and clearly of
Syrian work, both in design
and execution. Dr. Long's
Coll.
146 TAHUTIMES III [DYN. XVIIL d.
Egyptians, and had ho knowledge to impart to them.
The upper classes of the Egyptians doubtless fled
southward before the invaders, and only those whose
property fixed them to the soil were likely to stay under
a hated oppression. Thus very little effect appears on
the Egyptian civilisation ; the works of the Xlth and
the XVIIth or of the Xllth and the XVIIIth dynasties,
when compared, are barely distinguishable. Clearly no
external influence acted on the art or ways of the
Egyptians with any obvious result. Not only would
the skilled classes flee, but the boundary of the races
would be always a fighting frontier where the arts
would not be practised.
When we come to the invasion of Syria by the
Egyptians, very different causes are at work. This
was not a racial invasion by a body of settlers, who
hold together and form a rival community to the
natives, with a repellent attitude. On the contrary, it
was a far-reaching raid of a body of troops passing
through many different tribes, and not displacing any
of them, but plundering each in turn. Thus the
Syrian and the Egyptian were brought into close per-
sonal contact.
Then at this period the civilisation of Syria was
equal or superior to that of Egypt. No coats of mail
appear among the Egyptians in this age, but, they
took 200 suits of armour at the sack of MegTddo
(23rd year Tahutmes III.), and soon after such coats
of scale armour commonly appear in groups of valu-
ables sculptured in the tombs. No gilded chariots
appear in Egypt, except later than this, and for royalty;
but we read of two gold-plated chariots in the sack of
Megiddo (yr. XXIII), 10 with gold and silver (yr.
XXIV), 19 chariots inlaid with silver (tribute yr.
XXXI), chariots adorned with gold, silver, and colours
(yr. XXXIV), 20 chariots inlaid with gold and silver
(yr. XXXV), and nine more (yr. XXXVIII). Here
was luxury far beyond that of. the Egyptians, and
technical work which could teach them, rather than be
taught. In the rich wealth of gold and silver vases,
B.C. 1503-1449.] INFLUENCE OF SYRIA 147
which were greatly prized by the Egyptians, we see
also the sign of a people who were their equals, if not
their superiors, in taste and skill.
In what way, then, did this civilisation come in con-
tact with Egypt? In the most thorough way possible.
No sufficient notice has ever been taken of the great
number of captives brought into Egypt. In the
biography of Aahmes, of the earlier reigns of this
dynasty, we read that he alone had 6 male captives
and 7 females, and had 8 others given him from the
general booty, making 21 captives taken into the
household and estate of one officer alone. In the later
biography of Amen'enrheb, under Tahutmes III., we
read of his taking as many as 31 or more captives.
These were no exceptional instances. Whenever the
troops went out, they seem to have usually made many
captures : " to every man a damsel or two," like Sisera's
custom. We have a general view of the results in the
summary of each year's tribute and plunder. In eleven
campaigns, of which the details remain, there are
7548 captives and slaves, male and female, mentioned,
beside some lost numbers, probably about 8000 in all ;
and about 400 of these are specified as belonging to
the upper classes. And beside this, a tribute of girls
appears to have been exacted in the tranquil age of the
later reigns.
When we consider whom the Egyptians would select
as tribute, it is obvious that they would get the most
valuable labourers that they could. In the sack of
Megiddo it is specified that the king * * sent the foreign
workmen with the tribute southwards." The artist of
the chief of Tunep is figured as following his captive
lord, holding a vase (Fig. 52). And the keenness with
which the Egyptians record all the beautiful and
luxurious products of the Syrians, shows that the work-
men would probably be more in demand than other
kinds of slave-tribute. Beside the men who would
bring in their arts and skill, large numbers of the cap-
tives appear to have been women. We know, in the
time of Amenhotep III. and IV., that even the kings
148
TAHUTIMES III
DYN. xvm.
married Syrian princesses ; and as early as the second
campaign of Tahutmes III., the daughter of a chief
was yielded to him as tribute. We cannot doubt,
then, that the female slaves were taken as wives and
concubines by the Egyptians, as also was the Jewish
custom. The striking change in the physiognomy and
ideal type of the upper
classes in the latter part
of the XVIIIth dynasty
points to a strong foreign
infusion. In place of the
bold, active faces of
earlier times, there is a
peculiar sweetness and
delicacy ; a gentle smile
and a small, gracefully-
curved nose are charac-
teristic of the upper
classes in the time of
Amenhotep III. Such
features we know to
have been found in
Syria, as in Thyi, and
the Yanuan captive of
later time. Being of
such a winning type, Jj^
is no wonder that they
were taken into the
Egyptian families.
The condition, then,
was that thousands of
Syrians, selected pro-
bably for their value in
either skill or beauty, were brought into Egypt largely
as the property of the upper classes, and therefore settled
down in their households and domains. Every Syrian
workman would be employed on the most valuable work
that he could do, as their products were so much appre-
ciated by the Egyptians. Every Syrian mother would
teach her children somewhat of her own tongue and
FIG. 92. Usertesen I., Xllth dynasty,
Older Egyptian type.
B.C. I503-I449J
INFLUENCE OF SYRIA
149
her own thoughts. And this was going on among
the ruling classes, and imbuing them year by year with
the ideas, tastes, and language of a civilisation equal
to their own. No wonder that, after a few generations,
we find Semitic words, idioms, and thoughts trans-
fused throughout the Egyptian literature. No nation
could be proof against such influences.
That large numbers of persons were engaged in un-
remunerative work in Egypt, and that the economic
state of the land had greatly changed, is shown by the
requisition for corn.
In early days buying
corn in Egypt was a
matter of course ; to
the Roman, Egypt was
the granary of the
empire ; in our days
the annual millions of
the debt are paid for
FIG. 93. Head of Zey, XVIIIth dynasty.
New Egypto-Syrian type. *
are
by lines of ships laden
with beans and cotton.
Egypt has always been
an exporting country,
except during this
XVIIIth dynasty, when
it seems to have re-
quired imports. From
Megiddo the Egyptians
carried off 150,000
bushels of corn in one year, beside all that they con-
sumed. And every year large tributes of harvest came
in both from Syria and from Nubia. The only possible
meaning of this is that a large part of the population
was employed on work that did not produce food. For
if even half the people were agriculturalists, they would
easily sustain the inhabitants without needing imported
food.
This intimate connection with Syrian craftsmen and
Syrian women altered the nature of Egyptian taste and
feelings more profoundly than any influence since the
'50
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. xvm. 6.
foundation of the monarchy. In language, as is well
known, Egypt became Semiticised. In writing, the old
thick hieratic, which hardly changed from the earliest
examples of the Vth dynasty down to Amenhotep I.,
suddenly took an entirely different character thin,
flowing, and flourishing. In statuary the ideal type
was quite new, and the small-featured and fascinatingly
FIG. 94. Head of a servant of Khaemhat, XVIIIth dynasty.
graceful faces such as that of Ptahmes II. in the
Florence Museum, and of Zay in the Ghizeh Museum
show that there was an entirely new element in the
people. In flat relief a new taste appears, there is far
more expression of emotion : the old Egyptian dealt
with incident, the new Egyptian with emotions, the
flowing postures of the bewitching dance, the girl who
B.C. T 503-1449-]
INFLUENCE OF SYRIA
has had a drink of wine and is going off on tiptoe,
tossing her head back and holding up her hands in
delight (G. Mus., V.G. 171), the children following a
funeral, and the neglected baby which one has put down
clamouring to be taken up again (Neferhotep tomb)
in all these the artist has given himself away in quite a
new fashion. And in the small objects and manufac-
Vundation of temple
FIG. 95.- Head of a priestess, XVIIIth dynasty.
tures as great a change appears ; types which were
unaltered from the Xllth dynasty until Hatshepsut,
vanish entirely, and new designs take their place. In
the patterns of beads, in the mode of glazing, in the
forms of dress, in the hairdressing, in the designs of
furniture, and in the painting of the tombs, the new
Egyptian left aside entirely the continuous traditions of
TAHUTIMES III
[DYN. xvm. 6.]
his forefathers. Having" once broken the old and
gradually developing 1 system of ages, dazzled with the
taste for incongruous novelties, the Egyptian found it
impossible to regain the old life; and thus he passed
feverishly from change to change, from worse to worse,
until only archaistic revival was possible if an improve-
ment was attempted, and finally all the arts became
hopelessly degraded in the Greek period.
XVIII. 7. AA'KHEPERU'RA
AMENHOTEP II. f [1
I'HEO'AN v^l
NETER'HEQ'AN
ID
about
1449-
1423
B.C.
Toll el HesY JW J a ** stamp
Bubastis * Scenes 6?ortering r ~~
Turra Stele of 4th year
Nubt Blue glazed uas
Medamot Pillar and lintel
Karnak Wall and halls, between S.
pylons, X-XI.
Scene with king, front pylon
IX.
9y Red granite stele
99 Blocks re-used, before sanc-
tuary
Re-erected columns by
obelisks
Ourneh Temple N. of Ramesseum
Erment Block
Stele of conquest, G. Mus.
Silsileh Name
Elephantine Block
Obelisk?
Aswan Khaemuas graffito
Sehel Pa 'nehyamen graffito
Bigeh Statue
Kalabsheh Pronaos
(B.M.C. 89).
(C.N. ii. 291 ; Rec.
Mil. 129).
(C.N. ii. 180; M.K.
12).
(C.N. ii. 183; L.D.
iii. 61).
(C.N. ii. 185). ~-
(C.N. ii. 140-4;
M.K. v.).
(M.K. 29).
(L.D. iii. 62).
(B. Rs. 201).
(A.Z. iv. 33; V.G.
(B!E. 258).
(M.I. i. 115).
(Rev. A. i. ii. 730).
(M.I. i. 90,87).
(M.D. 70, 5).
(M.I. 1.95, 148).
(C.N. 1 60; L.D.
iii. 63 c).
(C.M. 54 bis y i).
CB.C. 144^-14230 AMENHOTEP II
'53
Ibrim Painted rock shrine
5 (C.M. 39).
1 (L.D. iii. 63 d).
Amadeh Temple finishing;
(L.D. iii. 65 a-c).
Haifa, Wady Brick temple, sandstone
(C.M. 2,7).
columns
Kummeh Temple scenes
(L.D. iii. 64-67).
Semneh Name in temple
(My. E. 545)
Sai Remains of temple
(L.L. 237).
Napata Temple mentioned
(L.D. iii. 65 a).
Statues
Before pylon IX. Karnak
(B.E. 147).
Granite Bigeh
(C.N. 160).
Kneeling- Beni Naga
(L.D. iii. 70 a-d).
Large kneeling- Turin
(L.T, 1375).
Headless, kneeling P. Mus.
(S. h. 11).
Body of seated Karnak
(Ms. G. 426).
Headless, seated Qurneh temple
(G. Mus.).
Foundation deposits Qurneh temple.
Ushabtis Qurneh (dealers).
Stele, king- adoring Amen Luxor (W.G. 376).
Vase, foundation of temple Qurneh (I^. AVI. 30;.
Paovru, 51;* j^s rans (Pap. Rollin, p. 23).
leather roll, 5th year (A.Z. xii. 86).
Mummy wrappings of Tahutmes III. (A.Z. xx. 132).
Toilet box, Rhine! Coll., Edinburgh.
Rings and scarabs : with mother (M.A. ii. 40 n).
Queen TA'AA (A.Z. xxxi. 29).
Sons Tahutmes IV., and 5 or 7 others (L.D. iii. 69 a).
As no monuments are dated above the fifth year, it
was thought that this reign must have been short, and
not have occupied 25 years 10 months, as stated by
Manetho. But the Lateran obelisk mentions that it
was set up in this reign 35 years after it was abandoned,
presumably at the death of Tahutmes III., who ordered
it ; and as Tahutmes IV., who finished it, reigned 9
years 8 months, it shows that Amenhotep II. must
have reigned over 25 years and 4 months. In short,
the obelisk pretty well guarantees all but six months of
the two reigns of Amenhotep II. and Tahutmes IV,, as
stated in Manetho, and must have been set up only just
before the death of the latter king. And we see below
that the reigns are too short, rather than too long 1 , for
154
AA-KHEPERU-RA
[DYN. XVIH. 7.
the genealogy Lately the absolute proof of the length
of reign has "been found on a wine jar dated in the 26th
year of Amenhotep II., thus agreeing with Manetho.
It appears that Amenhotep II. cannot have been of
mature age at his father's death ; he is shown seated
on his nurse's knee (L.D. iii. 62 c), and in the tomb of
Ra at Qurneh, seated with his mother behind him
(L.D. iii. 62 b) ; again in the great tomb with new year
gifts (L.D. iii. 63), though
the female figure behind the
king is defaced, yet among
the statues represented are
many of the king, one of
his mother, but none of any
wife ; and also on a scarab
found at Abydos his name
is side by side with that of
the " royal mother Meryt*
ra"(M.A. ii. 40 n). Yet he
ir.uct h:r ro be?n g*-own up,
as in his third year he de-
scribes his conquests in Asia
on the stele at Amadeh
(L.D. iii. 65 a). Hence we
may probably assign the
age of 1 8 to him on hris
accession without erring far
on either side. This implies
that he was born when his
father was about 51 ; and
though it might seem very
strange that no older son of the king was preferred, yet
there are other cases of such choice. This selection of
younger sons as successors is explained once in a way
by the record of the succession of Solomon ; probably
similar influences determined the affairs of the royal
harim in Egypt.
Soon after his accession, the young king went forth
with his father's veterans to make a customary raid on
Asia, and establish his renown. His personal exploits,
FIG. 96. Amenhotep II. and his
nurse.
B.C. I449-I423-1 AMENHOTEP II 155
though of no effect on the war, are chronicled at
Thebes. The date of the affair is lost, but it must
have been in the first and second years of his reign,
because early in the third year a tablet was erected at
Amadeh recording the victories. The record at Karnak
begins by saying that the king went to some land, as
to the city of Shemesh-atuma (in south Galilee) : " His
Majesty there had success, His Majesty himself there
made captives, for behold he was as a terrible lion*that
puts to flight the country of ... nen . . . sakhu is
his name. Account of that which His Majesty himself
took in this day. Living prisoners Satiu 18, oxen 19.
"The 26th day of Pakhons (ist year) passed His
Majesty over the arm of water of Arseth (? Harosheth
on the Kishon, Arseth LXX.) in this day. His Majesty
passed over charging as the valour of Mentu of Thebes.
His Majesty turned his head to examine the horizon
(shading his eyes with his hand) ; behold His Majesty
saw some Satiu coming on horses, then His Majesty
went to attack. Behold His Majesty was armed with
his weapons, and His Majesty fought like Set in his
hour. They gave way when His Majesty looked at one
of them, and they fled. His Majesty took all their
goods himself, with his spear . . . and he took the
Sati at the frontier, and spoiled him of all his arms.
His Majesty returned in joy, his father Amen had given
to him his prey. Account of what His Majesty took
this day . . . arms of war, 4 ? bows, a quiver full of
arrows with its leather band, and the goods.
"The loth of Hathor (in 2nd year, nearly six months
later) His Majesty went in peace this day to the town of
Niy ; behold the Satiu of this town, men and women,
were on the walls to adore His Majesty ..." (C.N.
ii. 185; A.Z. xvii. 55, xxvii. 39; S.B.A. xi. 422).
This expedition was of some importance to establish
the power of the new reign ; it does not, however,
-seem to have been a re-conquest, as were so many
expeditions, but rather a promenade as far as the
Euphratean frontier, to check what disaffection existed,
and to assert the Egyptian power over the vassals,
158 AA'KHEPERU -RA [DYN. xvm. 7.
tablets of the empire at Naharina (North Syria) and in
Kary (South Ethiopia). The occasion for this tablet
appears to have been on reopening* the quarries of
Turra for some public building- (V.P. iii. 94).
In the Delta there is but an uncertain trace of this
king in the three much-usurped granite columns found
at Alexandria ; though probably from the Delta, there
is no certainty about them (Rec. vii. 177). In Middle
Egypt no remains of the reign have been recorded,
except four scarabs at Gurob (P.K. xxiii. ; P.I. xxiii.).
At Nubt, opposite Koptos, an immense uas of blue
glaze was found in the temple (S. Kens. Mus.). At
Medatnot, near Karnak, a pillar of red granite was
seen (C.N. ii. 291), and a lintel also of red granite
(Rec. vii. 129).
At Karnak some small works were undertaken. The
eastern wall joining the two southernmost pylons
(X. XI.) was built, and the building of unusual type
which stands in the middle of this wall. As it is
neither temple nor palace, it has been suggested that
this was a guard hall, or a resting-place of processions ;
or it might have been an audience hall. The form is
that of a colonnade front facing north - west, and
behind it a great court of twenty pillars, flanked on either
side by three chambers connected together.
On the front of the pylon of Tahutmes I. (No. IX.)^
Amenhotep has inserted two scenes of his slaying his
foes (L.D. iii. 61 ; C.N. ii. 183). Several blocks with
his name were re-used by Sety II. in reconstructing the
buildings before the granite sanctuary ; these are seen
on the south side of the court with lotus pillars (C.N.
ii. 140, 144), and in chamber I. (M.K. v.). He also re-
erected the columns in the southern half of the hall
containing Hatshepsut's obelisks (M.K. 29). Nothing
strikes us as more extraordinary than the condition of
injury and confusion in which the most important
buildings of Egypt seem to have remained. The most
imposing works stood amidst half ruined and unfinished
halls for a whole reign ; other parts were walled off, to
hide offensive memorials ; other structures were either
B,C. 1449-1433-] AMENHOTEP II
159
incomplete -or half ruined. This rage for alteration
culminates under Ramessu II., with results fatal for
history.
At Qurneh the funeral temple of the king" stood
next north of the Ramesseum. It was rearranged by
Amenhotep III. for his daughter Sitamen. A statue
and foundation deposits were found on the site. Until
this latter temple was built, there was a regular
chronological series of buildings from north to south ;
Amenhotep's temple was near the end of Drah abul
Negga, Tahutmes I. and II. built at Deir el Bahri.
Tahutmes III., Amenhotep II., Tahutmes IV., and
Amenhotep III. all follow in regular series southwards
to the Kom el Hettan.
At Erment a block was noticed by Brugsch (Reisab.
201), and a large stele containing a copy of the
inscription of the first half of the Amadeh tablet was
found here, and is now at Vienna (A.Z. iv. 33). At
Silsileh the king's name occurs by the tomb of Amatu
(B.E. 258). A block at Elephantine shows that here
again the king had been building or repairing temples
(M.I. i. 115). An obelisk described by Prisse (Rev.
Arch, i ser. ii. 2, 730) perhaps came from there also.
Near Aswan are two graffiti of Kha'envuas (L.D. iii.
63 b; M.I. i. 90, 87), and another adoration of the
king with the name lost (M.I. i. 91, 103) ; while at
Sehel is a graffito of Pa'nehyamen adoring the name
of Amenhotep II., set on a stand (M.I. i. 95, 148). On
the island of Bigeh, by Philae, is a granite colossus of
a mummified form like Ptah (C.N. 160).
In Nubia, work was continued actively in this reign.
At Kalabsheh, on the pronaos, is a scene of the king
offering to Min and to the Nubian god Merutru-hor-ra
(C.M. 54 bis, i). At Ibrim is a painted rock shrine,
showing Amenhotep enthroned in a pavilion, a feather-
bearer before him and fan-bearer behind ; at the back
of the pavilion is Sati ; before it comes a procession of
men leading captive lions, greyhounds, and wolves.
The inscription can still be read, naming 113 live wolves
(C.N. i. 84; C.M. 39). Another scene here shows the
i6o
AA-KHEPERU-RA
[DYN. xvm. 7.
king offering to Khnum, Sati, Anuke, Sopd, Hathor,
and Nekhcb (L.D. iii. 63d).
At Amadeh he appears to have finished the temple
sculptures which were in progress at the death of his
father ; and a short co-regency is indicated by two
doorways which have the cartouches of Tahutmes III.
and Amenhotep II. arranged evidently at the same
time (L.D. iii. 65 b, c) ; while elsewhere the latter
appears alone (d, e). The work was continued here
till the 3rd year, at least, when the great historical
tablet was engraved.
FIG. 98. Kneeling statue of Amenhotep II. Berlin.
At Wady Haifa the brick temple contained pillars of
this king (C.M. 2, 7). At Kummeh the sculptures
were also in progress at the death of Tahutmes III.,
whose name appears on the dividing bands, while the
scenes are of Amenhotep II. offering to Khrium and
Usertesen III. (L.D. iii. 64 b, 66). Two great door-
ways are of Amenhotep II. (L.D. iii. 67). At Semneh
his name appears in the temple (My. E. 545). At the
island of Sai are remains of a temple of this time
(L.L. 237). And the temple of Napata in Ethiopia is
named on the Amadeh inscription as the place of
execution of one of the Syrian princes.
B.C. 1449-14*3-] AMENHOTEP II 161
The statues of Amenhotep II. are less common than
those of his father. A battered colossus in white
limestone stands in front of pylon IX. at Karnak ; a
very fine torso, with the nose and chin struck off, is
also from Karnak (G. Mus.) ; and the mummiform
colossus at Bigeh is in red granite. The seated
Osiride statue of grey granite was found in his temple
at Qurneh ; unfortunately the head is lost (G. Mus.).
There are three kneeling statues holding a globular
vase of offering in each hand ; one at Turin (L.T.
1375), and smaller ones at Paris (Cat. sal. hist., p. n),
and from Beni Naga, at Berlin (L.D. iii. 70). This
attitude was apparently introduced for statuary by this
king, as two other such images of him are figured
in a tomb at Qurneh (L.D. iii. 63, 64).
A stele with the king adoring Amen was in the
" French House" at Luxor (W.G. 376). An alabaster
vase, from a foundation deposit of the " temple of the
west " at Thebes, is in Paris (Rec. xvi. 30). A papyrus,
dated in the 5th year, on the iQth of Phamenoth,
contains praises of Amenhotep II., saying that he was
grown and instructed by the deities Shay and Renent
(Pap. Rollin, 15, p. 23). The leather roll at Berlin
concerning Usertesen founding the temple of Heliopolis
is probably of this reign, and not of Amenhotep IV.
(A.Z. xii. 86). On the mummy wrappings of Tahutmes
III. is inscribed that "Amenhotep made his monu-
ments of his father, Men'kheperra," referring to his
embalming. A part of a beautiful toilet box of ebony
and ivory bears the cartouches of this king : it was
found by Rhind at Thebes (Edinburgh Museum).
The scarabs and amulets of this reign show a new
departure. Oval plaques, flat on both sides, and
bearing figures, came much into use in this and the
next reign, but disappear afterwards ; they were
specially used for rings, in order to lie flat on the
finger. Their disappearance is due to the increase of
rings made all in one piece under Amenhotep III.
Scroll work on the old pattern reappears at this time
(P.Sc. 1097), and the base imitation of it by a row of
n n
162
AA-KHEPERU-RA
[DVN. XVIH. 7.
concentric circles. Another, and characteristic, device
was that of two, four, or six uraei, arranged in pairs
around the cartouche or an emblem. Sentences also come
more into use on scarabs, such as "Amenhotep II.,
born at Memphis," " setting up obelisks in the house
FIG. 99. Scarab with
Amenhotep as a
sphinx, hawk-
headed, trampling
on a captive. F. P.
Coll.
FIG. 100. Scarab with
six uraei. Brit.
Mus.
FIG. 101. Scarab.
1 'Aa * kheperu ra,
born at Men'nefer"
(Memphis). F.P.
Coll.
of Amen." " The good god, lion over Egypt, lord of
might, giving life like the sun;" "lord of glories in
the house of Amen," etc. The reference to his birth
is of interest, as showing that the court probably
resided at Memphis some time in his father's reign.
The private monuments of this age are of great
beauty and importance, often preserving records jaf
public affairs in which the various officials were
engaged, and particularly of the foreign tributes which
they received for the king. The principal private
works are as follow :
Tomb of RA, husband of the king's nurse, high
priest of Amen and of Tahutmes III. : contains a fine
scene of the king and his mother Merytra, and also of
the king on his nurse's lap (L.D. iii. 62). Many fine
vases are shown in this tomb (P.A. 102). Qurneh.
Tomb of HOREMHEB, a high official, with scenes of
recruiting, receiving tribute, etc. ; and recording his
devotion to Tahutmes III., to his son Amenhotep II.,
to his son Tahutmes IV., and to his son Amenhotep
III. (M.A.F, v. 432). Qurneh,
B.C. 1449-1423.]
PRIVATE MONUMENTS
163
Tomb of PA*SAR, a follower of the king in all lands
(B.E. 193). Qurneh.
Tomb of AMEN'EM'HEB, with fine painting and im-
portant historical inscription of his wars, quoted under
the previous reign (M.A.F.). Qurneh.
Tomb of SEN-NEFER and his sister Meryt (B.E.): he
was " the noble of the south city/' i.e. Thebes ; and a
FIG. 102. Glass and stone vases. Tomb of Ra.
statue of him seated was found at Nubt (F. P. Coll.).
A stele of a Sen*nefer, perhaps the same, adoring
Amenhotep I., Nefertari, Tahutmes I. and III.,
Sa'paar, and Amenhotep II., is in Turin (L.T. 1455 ;
Champ. Figeac Eg. Anc. pi. 67). Qurneh.
Tomb of AMEN*EM*HAT at Silsileh (S.B.A. xii. 96).
TombofAmen-ken (Qurneh), showing the mostsplendid
drawings of a series of new year presents. Amenhotep
164 AMENHOTEP II [DYN. xvm. 7.
II. is seated ; with his wife or mother behind him, now
destroyed. Before him is a splendid tree of goldwork
of conventional forms (which were afterwards developed
into the sacred tree of Assyria), and with monkeys
climbing about it. A chariot of silver and gold and
images of carved work in ebony are mentioned. Then
come statues of Amenhotep II. and his ka, of Tahutmes
I. and his ka (which are dark), eight of Amenhotep II.,
and one of Hatshepset Merytra. Then seven sphinxes
of the king, two kneeling statues holding, altars, and
two kneeling statues with vases, all of the king. Then
come rows of collars of jewellery, of shields, quivers,
coats of scale armour, daggers, axes, and a gazelle,
an oryx, and an ibex, on stands. The materials of the
following objects are specified : 330 leather quivers, 680
leather shields, ebony throw-sticks with gold ends and
silver handles, 220 whips of chased gold and ebony,
2 pelican heads of bronze, 140 bronze daggers, 360
falchions of bronze, a mirror of carved ebony, variegated
glass vases, a throne, feather fans, etc. (L.D. iii.
63 a, 64 a). (See Additional Notes.)
Other private remains are a stele of Nebua at Abydos
(M.A. ii. 33 a) ; a kneeling statue of Anher, a priest of
Anher at Abydos (M.A. 372) ; a group of Kha'envuas
and his wife in the Vatican (W.G. 376) ; probably the
same man whose graffiti occur at Sehel ; stele o~
Nefer'hebt'f, second prophet of Amenhotep II. (B.
Mus.), and cones of his (M.A.F. viii. 277, 55) ; and a
piece of a granite statue of a general of Amenhotep
(F. Mus., S. Cat. F. 1504).
The queen of Amenhotep II., Ta*aa, is recorded on a
double statue of her and her son Tahutmes IV. She is
called " royal mother and wife," showing her to be his
mother (A.Z. xxxi. 29). She could not have been his
wife, as the mother of Amenhotep III. is known to
have been Mut'envua, so it is impossible that another
" royal mother " could have been wife of Tahutmes IV.
This is important, as otherwise, from' her figure in the
tomb of Thenuna (C.N. 481) being only entitled royal
wife, along with Tahutmes IV., it was naturally
ft c 1449-14*3.1 PRIVATE MONUMENTS 165
supposed that she was the wife of him, and not of his
father, Amenhotep II., as was really the case. Her
son Tahutmes IV. is stated to be son of Amenhotep
II. in the tomb of Horenvheb (M.A.F. v. 434). A
princess, Amen'errrapt, is shown on the knee of
Horemheb in his tomb ; but as he lived through four
reigns, we cannot settle her position (M.A.F. v. 434).
Probably there were five or seven other sons of Amen-
hotep II. ; for in the tomb of the tutor of Tahutmes
IV., Hek'erneheh (L.D. iii. 69 a), where Tahutmes is
a boy on the tutor's knee, there are several other king's
sons represented ; unhappily all their names have been
erased, and from the absence of any other mention of
them, it would seem as if their royal brother was
unkind to their memory, if not to themselves,
XVIII. 8. MEN'KHEPRU'RA
1 .1111111, MJJi i
1423-
I 1414 B.C.
TAHUTMES IV, (T^Tffi A Hi
KHA-KHAU VS^y i I i TITJ|
Sarbut el Khadem (My. E. 351).
Alexandria Columns (Rec. vii. 178).
Gizeh Stele of sphinx (L.D. iii. 68).
Abydos Statue (M.A. 350).
Dendera Fragment (D.D. iii. b).
Karnak Scene on pylon IV. (M.K. 28).
,, List on wall round (M.K. xxxiii.).
obelisk
,, Colossus before pylon (W.G. 378).
8urneh Temple S. of Ramesseum.
uxor Scene in birth-hall (M.A.F. xv. 204).
El Kab Building of small (L.D. iii. Sob).
temple
Elephantine Fragments (M.I. i. 115).
Konosso Steles (L.D. iii. 696? M.L i.
66, 68, 69, 73).
Sehel Stele (M.I. i. 90).
Amadeh In temple (C.M. 44, 45, 59 } L.D.
iii. 69f~i).
Scarabs, rings, uza eyes, etc.
166
MEN-KHEPRU'RA
[DYN. xvm. 8.
Queens MuT'EM'UA Luxor
Arat?
Sons Tahutmes
Amenhotep III.
(M.A.F. xv. 63-7).
Bark, B. Mus. (A.B. 34).
Konosso (L.D. iii. 696).
Scarab (W.G. 378).
Tomb (M.A.F. v. 432),
But few public monuments refer to the history of this
reign. The first reference to the new king is on a
great tablet which he erected between the paws of the
Sphinx at Gizeh. He there relates an adventure of his
youth. After the usual titles and religious formalities,
we read : " He once went afield, pleasing his counten-
ance, on the desert of the Memphite nome, upon its
FIG. 103. Boy shooting at a target.
borders north and south, for shooting at a target with
copper (arrows). And he hunted the lions and the
gazelles of the desert, riding in his chariot, his horses
swifter than the wind, with two of his followers, and no
man knew of them.
" Once came an hour of giving rest to his followers,
. . then the sphinx of Khepra, great and exalted,
rested in this place, great of spirits, most highly
revered, for to him was given the temples of Memphis
and of every town upon both sides. Their hands
adored his presence with great offerings for his ka.
One of these times it came to pass a journey was made
by the king's son Tahutmes, journeying upon the time
of noon. A rest he made in the shadow of this god,
B.C. 1423-1414.1 TAHUTMES IV t6;
sleep fell upon him, dreaming in slumber in the moment
when the sun was overhead. Found he the majesty of
this noble god, talking to him by his mouth, speaking
like the talk of a father to his son, saying, * Look thou
at me ! Behold thou me ! my son Tahutmes, I am
thy father, Horenvakht, Khepra, Ra, and Turn,
giving to thee the kingdom. On thee shall be placed
its white crown and its red crown, on the throne of Seb
the heir. There is given to thee the land in its length
and its breadth, which is lightened by the bright eye of
the universal lord. Provision is before thee in the two
lands, and the great gifts of all foreign lands, and the
duration of a great space of years. My face is towards
thee, my heart is towards thee. . . . The sand of the
desert on which I am reaches to me, spoiling me ;
perform thou that which is in my heart, for I know
that thou art my son who reverences me ; draw near,
and behold I am with thee.' " The rest of the tablet is
nearly all destroyed by the scaling of the surface, and
only fragments remain, one of which names king
Khafra.
Here we see how the young prince spent his youth in
hunting and field sports, up in the desert with a couple
of followers, lost to the sight of man ; this account, and
that of the noonday rest in the shadow, are most
lifelike phrases to anyone who knows desert wandering.
In the first year of his reign, then, the king ordered
this tablet to be set up, in memory of his dream and
his clearing of the Sphinx from sand. No great respect
was shown for the work of Khafra, as the block taken
for the inscription was a granite lintel stolen from the
temple of Khafra close by. And although the name of
Khafra occurs in this inscription, yet, owing to the
unfortunately broken state of it, there is nothing to
show whether the Sphinx was attributed to Khafra,
whether it was said to be by the side of the temple of
Khafra, or in what way the connection with Khafra is
involved.
From a stele of Amenhotep, a follower of the king,
we learn of his campaigns in the north in Naharina,
168 MEN-KHEPRU-RA tow. xvm. i
and in the south to Kari (B. Mus., S.I. 93). And his
first campaign was against . . . a (probably Naharina),
as inscribed on the east face of the wall built around
the obelisk of Hatshepsut (M.K. 33). Another frag-
ment mentions a campaign against the Kheta (B.H.
The VI th year is named in the tomb of Duy (C.N.
502).
In the Vllth year, on Phamenoth 8, is dated a rock-
FIG. 104, Head of Tahutmes IV.
cut stele at Konosso, with a queen standing behind the
king, referring to his smiting the Nubians.
In the Vlllth year is dated a long stele at Konosso,
on Phamenoth 2, mentioning" his smiting* Wawat (M.I.
i. 66).
It appears, then, that the earlier years of his reign
were occupied with asserting his power in Syria, and
in the later years Nubia occupied his attention. He
died after reigning 9 years and 8 months, according* to
Manetho.
Turning now to the details of his monuments. He
B.C. 1423-14*4.1 TAHUTMES IV 169
continued the work at the Sinaitic mines, where his
name is found at Sarbut el Khadem (My. E. 351). The
columns found at Alexandria (Rec. vii. 178), now at
Vienna, may have come from some work in the Delta.
Gizeh was then a deserted group of pyramids and
tombs in the desert, as it is now ; and the action of the
king in clearing the Sphinx must have made a revival
of attention to the region. The tablet was, however,
merely taken from the neighbouring temple, and no
great works were ordered for this business. It is
remarkable to see how completely the old tied lotus
flowers of the I Vth dynasty had dropped out of know-
ledge by this time ; their nature was forgotten, and a
senseless imitation of them was made, copied from the
old work which was to be seen in this neighbourhood.
FIG. 105. Original group of FIG. 106. Modification of
tied lotus flowers. group. Tahutmes IV.
At Abydos a torso of a statue in white silicious lime-
stone was found, with the name on the girdle (M.A.
350). At Dendera a fragment of his work remains
(D.D. Hi. b).
Karnak was not honoured by any building of this
king, but he engraved scenes on a gateway added to
the entrance of pylon IV. The south jamb and the
lintel has gone ; but on the north jamb, on its west and
north sides, are his inscriptions. Mariette, however,
from the workmanship, regards this part as having
been re-engraved by Shabaka (M.K. p. 28; L.D. Hi.
69 d). On the east face of the wall which Tahutmes
III. had built up around Hatshepsut's obelisk, to hide
170 MEN'KHEPRU'RA [DYN.XVHI.B.
her inscription, this king added a list of donations to
Amen, on his return from his first campaign ; and he
mentions statues of his grandfather and himself. He
also set up a colossus of himself before the pylon of
Tahutmes I. (W.G. 378). At Qurneh was the funeral
temple, now destroyed, of which fragments of sculpture
and part of a colossal head were found.
At Luxor, though Mut'envua the queen often appears
in connection with the infancy of her great son, yet the
king is not shown, as the paternity of Amenhotep III.
is ascribed directly to the god Amen (M.A.F. xv. fig.
203-4).
At El Kab the small temple was begun by this king,
though finished by his son, who says: "Behold this
was made by the majesty the king Maa'neb'ra, beauti-
fying monuments of his father the good god Men*
khepnrra, named everlasting and eternal" (L.D. iii.
Sob).
At Elephantine his name appears on some fragments
of the temples (M.I. i. 115). At Konosso are four
memorials of this reign ; the king appears smiting the
negroes before the gods of Nubia, Dedun and He,
while behind him stands a queen, who was royal
daughter, sister, and wife (L.D. iii. 69 b) ; her name is
written with the uraeus on neb^ and is read Ar*at ; but
as this is the only trace of her existence, it may be that
this is merely an idiogram for the " goddess queen,"
and may refer to Mut'envua. Beside this, there is a
long inscription of forty lines, of which the first twenty-
three are published (M.I. i. 66) ; another inscription,
unpublished (I.e. 68) ; a double cartouche (I.e. 69) ; and
a scene of Khnum and Min, carved by the divine father
Ha*ankh*f*, and the suten rekh Neb'ankh (I.e. 73). At
Sehel is another graffito of the king's son Mes (Lc. 84).
At Amadeh, Tahutmes IV. worked considerably
(C.N. i. 96-100) ; the architraves bear his inscriptions
(L.D. iii. 69 f) : other inscriptions and a scene of his
are also published (69 g, h, i), and a figure of the king
(C.M. 45, 6).
Of small remains there are many scarabs, rings, etc.
TAHUTMES IV
171
The most important is one with the figure of his son,
Prince Tahutmes (Tyszkiewicz Coll., W.G. 378); others
bear the usual adulation of this age, "rich in glories, "
FIG. 107. Scarab of
Tahutmes IV.,
" mighty in glories. "
P.P. Coll.
FIG. 108. Scarab of
Tahutmes IV. ,
"establishing
monuments." F.P.
Coll.
FIG. 109. Green
glaze ring, Tahut-
mes IV. F.P. Coll.
"the glory of all lands," and "establishing monu-
ments." A green glazed pottery ring of his is the
earliest such ring known.
The private works of this reign are finer than the
public remains. The principal tombs are those of
Thenuna y fan-bearer, with figures of the king and of
his mother Ta'aa (C.N. 480-1, 829). Qurneh.
Amenhotep and his wife Roy, with designs of a
sculptor chiselling a royal statue, and the king's name
by a second statue ; also scribes weighing gold, and
many figures of collars, boxes, vases, etc. (C.N. 480;
C.M. cliv. 3 ; cxci.). Qurneh.
Zanuni) with scenes of conscription, and of various
soldiers, some bearing square banners with designs of
wrestlers, and of the king's name with titles, such as
"lord of his might," and "lord of strength " (C.N.
484; C.M. clvii.). He states that he took a "census
of the land to its bounds before His Majesty, an inspec-
tion of all things, soldiers, priests, royal -serfs, artisans
of all the country, and of all cattle, all fowls, and all
small cattle, by the scribe of troops, loved of His
Majesty, Zanuni " (Rec. iv. 130). A stele of this officer
is also preserved (T. Mus.; Rec. iv. 129). Qurneh.
Hor'em 'heb> a magnificent tomb, with family scenes ;
172
TAHUTMES IV
YN. XVIII. 8.
groups of the conscription and registration ; lines of
foreigners bearing tribute, both Asiatics and negroes ;
and long processions, with all the varieties of the
funeral furniture (M.A.F. v. 413). Qurneh.
x, a fan-bearer : scenes of census-taking, but much
destroyed (C.N. 497-8).
Piayi chief prophet and follower of Tahutmes IV.,
keeper of the boats of Amen in the palace of Tahutmes
IV. (C.N. 518-9). Qurneh.
Hek'er'neheh, tutor of prince Amenhotep (= A. III.),
and of five or seven other sons of the king whose
names are erased (L.D. iii. 69 a ; C.N. 569). Qurneh..
FIG. no. Tahutmes IV. giving the hotep offering to Osiris for Thuna.
Objects are known in this reign of
Smen sheps y a fan-bearer, and Hesifna his wife, stele,
P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 35).
Pa'aa'aku, a fan-bearer, and adorer of Amenhotep I.,
stele, P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 14).
Nefer'hat, a follower, stele, with king offering to
Nut, Abydos (M.A. 1060 ; M.A. ii. 47);
Thundy fan-bearer, seal-bearer, companion, etc., a
stele, with the king offering to Osiris for the deceased,
B.C. I423-14H-1
PRIVATE MONUMENTS
'73
a real suten du hotep scene, Abydos (M.A. 1061 ; M.A.
ii. 48). Another stele at Stockholm (Lb.D. 590).
Amenhotep) high priest of Anhur; and the singer of
Anhur, Kent, B. Mus. (Lb.D. 602).
Thenau, "fan-bearer behind the king the noble of
princes. " Scarab, P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 127).
-Ramery, palette, B. Mus.
FIG. in. Queen Mutemua.
The king was also adored by
HorameS) under Horemheb (?) (C.N. 517-8).
Nefer 1 em* hotep. Turin stele.
Rany y priest of his statue, whose south-east tomb
boundary is known.
x, under Amenhotep III. offering to Tahutmes IV.
(C.N. 499).
174 TAHUTMES IV [DVN.XVIII. 8.]
The family of this king is obscure. We only have
one queen, the celebrated Mut-envua, certainly attested.
The other queen usually ascribed here, and named Arat,
might, as we have noticed, read only "the goddess
queen," and refer thus to Mut'envua ; this is the more
likely, as the supposed Arat was "great royal wife,"
like Mut'envua. This name is only found on the
Konosso stele of the yth year, and therefore too far on
in the reign to have been an earlier chief wife than
Mut'envua (L.D. iii. 69 e). Of Mut'envua, or " Mut
in the sacred bark," there is a fine sacred bark of
granite, 7 feet long, with her name and titles around
it (B. Mus. A.B. 34). It seems not unlikely that this
belonged to the temple of Luxor, where she is specially
honoured and worshipped as the mother of Amen-
hotep III. (M.A.F. xv. 63-67).
Of sons there is Amenhotep the successor and
another son, Tahutmes, named on a scarab, as we
have mentioned.
XVIII. 9 NEB'MAAT'RA
(Nimmuriya)
AMEN-HOTEP III.
HEQ-UAST
Tomb, W. valley of kings 'tombs (L.D. iii. 78, 79)
(M.A.F. iii. 174)
Rhodes Scarab of Amenhotep 8.8.316).
Gaza Two alabaster vases Pal. Exp. Fund).
Sarbut el Khadem Two steles, 36th year L.D. iii. 71 c, d).
Bubastis Four private statues N.B. 31-33).
Benha Agathodaimon slab (M. 0.630).
Turrah Two steles, ist& 2nd year L.D. iii. 71 a, b).
Memphis Slab. G. Mus. V.G. 230).
,, Apis tomb M.S. Ms. 117).
Gurob Altar of Tyi P.I. xxiw 7).
Box lid (P.I. xxiv. 8).
,, Kohl tube (P.I. xvii, 20).
[B.C. i
AMENHOTEP III
'75
Howarte by Minieh Stone
El Bersheh Stele ist year
Meshaikh Temple
Rayaneh Fort
Dendera Adoration scene, late
Karnak Mentu temple, N.
(My. E. 406).
(S.B.A. ix. 195, 206).
(S.B.A. vii. 172).
(My. E. 426).
(D.D. iv. c).
(C.N. ii. 271-2;
M.K. p. 8).
(M.K. pi. i).
(M.K. p. 14).
(M.K. p. 26).
(M.K p. 57; pi.
34-5)-
Colossus before pylon XI. (M.K. pi. 2).
Small temple E. of it
Avenue, 122 sphinxes
Pylon III.
Inscription
Luqsor
Kom el Hettan
Qurneh
>
Deir el Medineh
El Kab
Silsileh, E.
Elephantine
Aswan quarry
Konosso
Pylon VIII., name
Building S, name
Temple of Mut, T.
Great temple
Avenue of sphinxes.
Temple
Colossi
Stele, black granite.
Stele, white limestone.
Temple
Small temple E.
Fragments
Shrine
Altar, 35th year
Stele, part
Temple destroyed
Fragment
Colossus
Stele
Stele 5th year
(B.Rs. 184).
(C. N. ii. 180).
(M.K. p. 15).
(L.D. iii. 73-4).
(L.D. iii. 72).
(D.E. ii. 21-22; My.
E. 464).
(B.I.H.D. xxix.).
(L.D. i. loo ; iii. 80).
(C.N. i. 266).
(S.B.A. xi. 233-4).
(L.D. 81 a-e).
(L.D. 81 f).
(D.E. i. 34-8).
(M.I. i. 120).
(M.I. i. 62).
(M.I. i. 62).
(L.D. iii. 81 g).
(L.D. iii. 81 h).
(C.M. 95, 4).
(L.D. iii. 82 a).
5th year
(Other graffiti, see private monuments.)
Inscription. B. Mus. (Arch. Jour. viii. 399).
Temple (L.D. iii. 83-8).
Temple to Tyi (L.D. iii. 82 e-i).
VT . ,) Two rams. Berl. Mus. (L.D. iii. 89, 90 a-c).
Napata removed I B of hawk . Ber i. Mus . L-D . ui . ^^Q.
B . Mus . (L.A. .3 A.B.).
(Rec. xi. 212).
Semneh
Soleb
Sedeinga
Colossi
Kom el Hettan
Before pylon XI.
(D.E. ii. 21-22).
(M.K. pi. 2),
1 76 NEB -M AAT 'R A [DYK. xvm. 9,
Colossus Base, granite. P. Mus. (R.M.L. 37).
A. 18
Statues White limestone. G. Mus. (Ms. G. 422).
Black granite. Thebes (B. Mus.).
White limestone. Qurnet Murrai.
Medinet Habu.
Base. Avignon (W. G. 388).
Portraits Tomb of king (C.M. ccxxxii.; C.N.
ii. 704; L.D. iii.
70 e).
Ushabtis. Paris. P.P. Coll. (S.B.A. xi. 421).
Group of Amenhotep and Tyi. Saurma Coll. (W.G. 389).
Sphinx, Karnak (C.N. ii. 272).
Acad. St. Petersburg (Lb. P. 61).
Sekhet statues, temple of Mut.
Ptah, standing, diorite. T. Mus. (L.T. No. 86).
Ptah, seated, limestone. T. Mus. (L.T. No. 87).
Anpu, seated, basalt. Sabatier (Rec. xiv. 54).
Wooden tablet, with Haremakhti. B. Mus. (P.L. No. 344).
Wooden label, with titles. T. Mus. (Rec. iii. 127).
Wooden stamp (?), not yet engraved. T. Mus. (Phot. 292).
Ostrakon, letter of palace-keeper. B. Mus. (B.I.H.D. xiii.).
Ostraka on coronation-day. B. Mus. (B.I.H.D. xv.).
Papyrus, copied from a roll. B. Mus. (A.Z. ix. 104, 117).
Papyrus, medical. B. Mus. (A.Z. ix. 61).
Stick. Leyden (I. 82).
Ivory inlayinef. box handle. B. Mus. ) /A , T ... ^
inscribed strip. B. Mus. | (Arch. Jour. vm. 396).
Inlaying from boxes, tomb. G. Mus. (M.D. 36 a).
Kohl tubes, wood. P. Mus.
,, ,, with Tyi. P. Mus. G. Mus. (Ms. G. 95).
,, ,, ,, T. Mus. (Rec. iii. 127; phot.
161). ,
,, glazed, with Hent'ta'neb (P.I. xvii. 20).
Glazed tubes. Temple of Amenhotep II,
Glazed jar, polychrome, with Tyi. G. Mus. (V.G. 747).
Vase, blue, double cylinder. B. Mus.
,, alabaster. Leyden.
,, pottery. P. Mus. (P.L. 361).
,, glazed, with Tyi, P. Mus. (P.L. 362).
Dish. G. Mus.
ScarabsMarriage with Tyi. E. Coll. (R.P. xii. 39).
Arrival of Kirgipa , (A.Z. xviii. 82 ; Rec,
xv. 200).
Slaying 102 lions. E. Coll. (R.P. xii. 40).
Making great tank (A.Z, xv. 87).
Scarabs, with titles, etc.
Rings, beads, etc.
Queens TYI, daughter of Yuaa and Thuaa (A.Z. xviii. 82).
Cartouche in quarry. Tell el Amarna (P.A. 4, xlii.).
AMENHOTEP III
177
Ushabti, alabaster
Toilet case. Turin
Figure with son. Tell el Amarna
Trial piece. Tell el Amarna. P.P. Coll.
Adored as Osirian
(Frequently with Amenhotep III. on
statues, scenes, scarabs, etc.).
Scarabs, rings, etc
KlRGiPA or Gilukhipa
Sons Tahutmes
Amenhotep IV.
Daughters Ast. Soleb
Henfmer'heb. Soleb
Hent*ta*neb. Gurob
Sat'amen, box. B. Mus.
stele. G. Mus.
dish. A. Mus.
Bakt'aten, daughter of Tyi
(D.E.V. 60, *).
(Rec. iii. 127).
(L.D. iii. roo c).
(P.A. i. 6).
(Pap. T. xii. 7).
(A.Z. xviii. 82).
(L.K. 385).
(L.D. iii. loo c).
(L.D. iii. 86 b).
(L.D. iii. 86 b).
(P.I. xvii. 20).
(Arch. Jour. viii. 397).
(M.A. ii. 49).
(P.A. xiii. 16).
(L.D. iii. 100 a, c,
101).
We have seen from the presumptive dates that Amen-
hotep III. was probably only 16 at his father's death.
There would be much
difficulty in supposing
him to have been born
earlier in the family
history ; and yet, as
his lion-hunting began
in the ist year of his
reign, we can scarcely
place his age at any-
thing less. Again, his
birth is the great sub-
ject of the temple he
built at Luqsor, and
his mother Mut'envua
is the prominent figure
in those scenes, point-
ing to her being
important as queen-
mother in the early
part of his reign, and
his infancy being then still a well-remembered subject.
No mention appears of his celebrated, brilliant, and
n 12
FIG. ii2, Youthful head of
Amenhotep III.
ITS
NEB-MAAT'RA
[DYK. XVIH. 9.
much -loved queen Tyi, until the loth year of his
reign ; and he married another Mesopotamian princess,
Kirgipa, or Gilukhipa, in the same year, which
would well agree to his being about 25 then. Another
32 *r.
FIG. 113. Amenhotep and his ka.
sign of his youth is that he is represented as king with
the boy's side-lock of hair, and there is no expedition
of his until the 5th year, when he would have been
about 20. The various indications thus agree to the
presumptive age which I have stated.
OUTLINE OF THE DATED RECORDS.
Born at Thebes, scarab (P.P. Coll.).
1st year, Epiphi 13, Amenhotep was crowned
(Ostrakon 5637 B.M.; see B.I.H.D. xv. 2):
age about 16. .
1st year, Epiphi 20 + x, quarry opened at El
Bersheh (S.B.A. ix. 195, 206).
1st year, quarry opened at Turrah (L.D. iii. 71 a).
Ilnd year, quarrying at Turrah (L.D. iii. 71* b).
Illrd year, black granite stele (G. Mus.).
Vth year, expedition to Ethiopia (stele, Konosso,
L.D. iii. 82 a, and stele erected Athyr 2,
at Aswan, L.D. iii. 81 g): age about 21.
B.C. I4I4-I379-]
DATED RECORDS
179
Xth year, lion-hunt record (R.P. xii. 40): 102
slain between ages about 16 to 26.
Xth year, marriage with Kirgipa, and already
married to Tyi (A. Z. xviii. 82): age about 26.
XI th year, Athyr 16, festival, tank inscription
(A.Z. xv. 87).
Xlth year, Khoiak 6, decree of building temple,
Deir el Medineh (late copy in B.M., see
B.I.H.D. 29).
XlVth year, Papyrus Turin (Pap. T. p. 7).
XXX Vth year, Pakhons i, altar at Silsileh (L.D. iii. 81 c).
XXXVIth year, Mekhir 9, steles at Sarbut el Khadem
(L.D. iii. 71).
It does not appear that this king undertook any
great wars after the Ethiopian campaign in his 5th
year. The condition of the kingdom seems to have
been one of acknowledged supremacy abroad, and
peaceful development at home. Tahutmes I. had
FIG. 114. Chariot of Khaemhat.
broken the power of Syria ; Tahutmes III. had
thoroughly grasped that country. He had taken the
sons of the chiefs to be educated in Egypt ; and as
the Egyptian kings married Syrian princesses, it is
most probable that the sons of the Syrian chiefs were
i8o AMENHOTEP III IDYN. xvm. 9.
married to Egyptians at the close of their education.
It was only stipulated that they should be restored to
their homes to succeed their fathers ; and thus they
may have lived until middle life in Egypt. In this
way, the rulers of Syria were assimilated in thoughts
and ways to the suzerain power, and were very
unlikely to attempt to be independent. The corre-
spondence of the cuneiform tablets shows that the
northern kingdom of Mitanni and Karduniyas were
in close diplomatic and family connection with Egypt ;
and no troubles appear to have disturbed the empire
until late in the reign of Akhenaten. The reign of
Amenhotep III. was thus free for commercial extension
and the cultivation of the arts ; and we find in it the
greatest activity in this direction.
The reign began with the execution of some large
buildings during the minority of the young king ; and
the quarries of Turrah (L.D. iii. 71; A.Z. v. 91) and
El Bersheh (S.B.A. ix. 195) were opened for the
fine limestone, of which so much was used, but which
has almost all disappeared in the limeburners' kilns.
The amusement of the young ruler was lion-hunting,
and this he kept up most actively until his marriage
in the roth year of his reign, slaying 102 lions in tea
years (R.P. xii. 40). His first and only recorded war
was in the middle of this, his athletic age. He went
out to the limits of the Egyptian power, and smote
many tribes whose names never appear before or after.
The tablets about the cataracts mention his victories ;
and in the land of Abeha alone he took 740 prisoners,
and slew 312 more of the negroes (Semneh tablet,
B. Mus.). We must not, however, assume that every
tribe figured on the monument as a captive had been
recently subjugated ; in this reign we find at Soleb
figures of the Syrian peoples, of Naharina, Kedesh, and
other parts, where the Egyptians appear to have been
in peaceful political occupation as a suzerain power.
The figure of a captive town or people only implies the
B.C. I4I4-1379-]
HISTORY OF REIGN
181
submission of that region to the Egyptian power. At
Soleb the Syrian figures are named Kefa, Khit . . , ,
Sengar, Tares, Qarqamish, Asur, Apthethna, Makaut-
uash, and Mehpeni ; all these are with a fillet on the
head and long hair. The other Syrian type is with
close-cut hair and no fillet, found in Naharina, Kedshi,
Pah . . . , Tita, Arerpaq, and Kedina. Names which
have lost the figures are Tanepu and Aka..rita; and
perhaps western districts in Sekhet Am, Menaunu
Setet, Matnun, Tahennu, Asha . . . , Sekhet Am.
Of the southern and negro peoples appear Matur,
. . . nutaa, Azenunian, Samanurika, Kary, Maitariaa,
Katha . . . , May, Fuersh . . . , Narkihab, Taro-
benika, Tarosina, Aken . . . , Manuareb, Mataka . . . ,
Abhat, Akina, Serenyk, Aururek, Atermaiu, Maiu,
Gureses, the Sunuga, Ayhatab, Akhenuthek, Tartar,
and Tursu. Of the Red Sea region are Shasu and
Punt, and probably allied to this Aar .... This list
shows the power of the king, ruling from Karo to
Naharina, from Abyssinia to northern Mesopotamia.
His marriage in or before the loth year of his reign
was a great turning-point in his history. These Syrian
marriages were so influential in the royal family of
Egypt, that it is well to notice them carefully. From
the Tell el Amarna tablets we can glean the following
table of relationships :
Kings of Karduniyas
Karaindash 16
Kings of Egypt Kings ofMitanni
Sitatama u
I
Tahutmes IV. 1 ^daughter 11 Stitharna 11
Dushratta 4
I
Kallimmasin 13 sister 18
married
to
daughter 13 asked by Amenhotep IIt. 4 = Gilukhipa 4
Kurigalzu 1<7
Burnaburyas 16
daughter 16 offered to Amenhotep IV. 10 - n = Tadukhipa 10 - n
The numbers refer to the summaries of the letters in the chapter
on the Decline of Egypt in Syria.
182
AMENHOTEP III
[DYN. xvin. 9.
The marriage to Gilukhipa, daughter of Su , . .
in letter n, is evidently that described on the large
scarab, when "the daughter of the chief of Naharina,
Satharna, even Kirgipa and the principal of her women,
females 317," came into Egypt (A.Z. xviii. 82). As on
FIG. 115. Head of Tyi.
FIG. 116. Head of man of
Ynuamu.
the same scarab Tyi, daughter of Yuaa and Thuaa, is
named as the great queen of Amenhotep, it is evident
that Kirgipa cannot be an earlier name of Tyi. Who
then was Tyi? Her face (P.A. i. 6) bears a strong^
likeness to that of her son Akhenaten
(P.A. i. 5, 10), and differs from any
type seen before in Egypt. There is,
however, a close resemblance between
this type and that of a man of Ynua
or Ynuamu among the captives on
the north wall of the Great Hall at
Karnak (misnamed Mitanni, P.A. i. 2).
This city appears to have been in the
FIG. 117. Head of region of Tyre, and so this type may
Nefertiti. belong to northern Galilee. Another
clue, however, may be in the type
of Nefertiti, the wife of Amenhotep IV. Her face
(P.A. i. 15) has much the same features as that of
B.C. I4I4-1379-] HISTORY OF REIGN 183
Tyi, insomuch that both are probably of the same race.
And it is most probable that Nefertiti is the other
name of Tadukhipa, the daughter of Dushratta, as no
other queen ever appears with Amenhotep IV. This
would connect Tyi with the race of Dushratta in
Mitanni. In either case, we must conclude that Tyi
belonged to northern Syria. The nationality of her
parents has been much disputed ; their names, however,
may as easily be Egyptian as foreign. But her titles are
noticeable; she is called hent-taui, " princess of both
lands," and " chief heiress, princess of all lands"
(L.D. iii. 82 g), just as Nefertiti is called hent res meh,
nebt taut, ' ' princess of south and north, lady of both
lands. " These titles seem to imply hereditary right ;
indeed, it is very doubtful if a king could reign except
as the husband of the heiress of the kingdom, the right
to which descended in the female line like other pro-
perty. Now we can see that the daughter of Dush-
ratta, Tadukhipa = Nefertiti, would very probably be in
the Egyptian royal line ; Dushratta's application for a
princess rather later is recorded (letter 28), and it is
most likely that the Mitannian kings had Egyptian
princesses, as the Egyptian kings had Mitannian
princesses. Hence Nefertiti would be a rightful
heiress of the Egyptian throne ; and, similarly, Tyi
may easily have been the grand - daughter of an
Egyptian king and queen, her mother Thuaa having
been married to some north Syrian prince Yuaa.
Thus she would have the right to be a " princess of
both lands " ; her name might be Egyptian ; and she
would rightfully fill the prominent place she did in
Egypt ; while her physiognomy would be Syrian.
This view cannot be yet proved, but it certainly
fulfils all the conditions closely.
There can be little doubt of the powerful influence of
queen Tyi ; she appears closely associated with the
king on his monuments, her figure is seen side by side
with his on scarabs, her name appears along with the
Idng's on innumerable objects, a temple was built in her
honour at Sedeinga, and she acted as regent for her
184
AMENHOTEP III
[DYN. xvm. 9.
FIG. 1 1 8. Young head of Amenhotep 111.
son during 1 his minority, when letters were addressed
to her by Dushratta (letter 9). Her evident influence
on her young son
shows in what direc-
tion she had been
turning affairs during
her husband's reign ;
and the peculiar taste
and style, the rich
decoration, and the
new ideas which
blossomed out under .
Amenhotep IV.,
guided by his mother,
can be seen rising
and budding under
the reign of the
great king Amen-
hotep III., inspired by his wife's influence.
Immediately after his marriage, we find the king
engaged in public works ; in the nth year, on Athyr
ist, he " ordered to make a tank of the great royal wife
Tyi in the city of Zaru (or Zal, the eastern frontier fort
of Egypt). Its length 3600 cubits, its breadth 600
cubits, made by His Majesty in the first festival in
Athyr 16, sailed His Majesty in the bark Aten-neferu in...
his saloon " (A.Z. xv. 87). This tank or lake was nearly
a quarter of a mile wide, and over a mile long : that
implies an amount to be moved which would be all but
impossible in fifteen days (from ist to i6th Athyr), even
if the greatest number of workers were crowded in.
But as Zaru sometimes identified with Sele was in
any case in the region of the isthmus of Suez, with its
various lakes and depressions, it rather seems that this
tank or lake was made by flooding some natural
hollow : the date would be on the 25th October,
and therefore just before the fall of the inundation,
a time when flooding would be taking .place down the
canals. The name of the king's barge, "the beauties
of Aten," shows that already the worship of the Aten,
B.C. 1414-1379- 1 HISTORY OF REIGN 185
or the sun's disc, was coming" forward, in advance of
its nationalisation under the son of Tyi. The founding
of the temple of Deir el Medinet also belongs to this
year, three weeks later than Amenhotep's fantasiyeh
on the new lake ; it is unlikely, therefore, that he was
at Thebes at the time, and as the record only names
private persons, we shall notice it further on.
After this there are no landmarks in this reign until
the close ; not a single war is recorded, and the Syrian
letters show no trouble there, beyond a well-repelled
attack by the Khatti on the king of Mitanni, the ally
and brother of the Egyptian king (letter 4). What
went on during this long peace is pictured in a little
biographical letter, which we may quote complete as a
picture of the life of a Syrian prince: "To the king,
my master, my god, my sun, this is said ; Yatibiri thy
servant, the dust of thy feet, at the feet of the king, my
master, my god, my sun, seven times, and seven times
more, I fall down. Behold, I am thy servant, true to
the king my master. I look on one side, and I look on
the other side, and there is no light ; but I look on the
king my master, and there is light. A brick may be
taken out of its place, but I shall move not from under
the feet of my master. And now the king my master
enquires about me of Yankhama, his agent. When I
was young, Yankhama took me into Egypt, and placed
me with the king my master, and I dwelt at the door of
the king my master. Now the king my master asks
his agent how I have guarded the gate of Gaza and the
gate of Joppa. As for me, I am with the auxiliaries of
the king my master ; wherever they go, I go with them,
and whenever they go, I am with them. The yoke of
my master is on my neck>, and I .bear it" (letter 117,
S.B.A. xv. 504). Yatibiri seems to have had even his
name changed in Egypt, as this is probably the Syrian
writing of Hotep-ra.
The temple of Soleb in Nubia is a monument of these
silent years of tranquil government. There is shown a
great festival, which began on the 26th of Mesore, and
ended in Thoth. The king was accompanied by Tyi and
i86 AMENHOTEP III tDYN. xvm. $.
two daughters, and probably two sons also ; hence this
sculpture can hardly be earlier than the i8th or 2oth
year of his reign.
Toward the close of the reign it seems that Amen-
hotep IV. must have been associated with him. There
are dates of his 35th and 36th year, and yet Manetho
FIG. 119. Amenhotep III. enthroned. Tomb of Khaemhat.
only gives 30 years and 10 months for his reign. That
this difference cannot be due to co-regency with Tahut-
mes IV. is pretty certain, as there are quarry inscriptions
of the ist and 2nd year of Amenhotep TIL But a little
point shows that Amenhotep IV. was probably married
near the time of his father's death. In a letter Dush-
B.C. 14*4-1379.1 HISTORY OF REIGN 187
ratta refers to Amenhotep III. sending to him to fetch
a wife from D. to be the mistress of Egypt (letter 6).
This cannot refer to either queen of Amenhotep III. ;
Gilukhipa was given by the father of Dushratta
(letter n), and Tyi was married yet earlier (Rec. xv.
200). Nor can it refer to another queen for Amenhotep
III., as the great Tyi could hardly be superseded as
mistress of Egypt. It must rather refer to seeking an
alliance with Mitanni for the young Amenhotep IV.
And we see that Dushratta, writing to Tyi, before
Amenhotep IV. took up affairs, greets Tadukhipa his
daughter, Tyi's daughter-in-law (letter 9).
Now there is no dating of Amenhotep IV. before his
5th regnal year, and in the 6th year his second child
was born, pointing to his marriage in his 4th year.
If, then, he were associated in the 3ist year of his
father's reign, the date of the 36th year of the old
king would just follow the marriage of his son, and
agree with the earliest date being of the 5th year.
This also agrees with letter 8, in which Dushratta
greets Tadukhipa his daughter, writing therefore after
her marriage, while the letter reached Egypt in the
36th year, by the docket.
MONUMENTS.
We now turn to the great works of this age. This
king was the first we know of who placed his tomb out
of sight of the Nile. Instead of occupying some part
of the wide cemetery overlooking the plain, he retreated
an hour's journey up a wild and desolate gorge of the
desert, and there hewed out grand galleries for his
sepulchre, extending some hundreds of feet into the
mountain. This was a magnificent new departure,
and served as a type followed century after century
by later kings. A long corridor leads to a chamber
with two pillars at right angles to it ; thence two more
galleries lead to the sepulchral chamber, containing six
pillars, out of which branch seven other chambers
(D.E. ii. 79, 5). The entrance was skilfully concealed
i88
AMENHOTEP III
[DYN. xvin. 9.
by lying behind a spur of rock ; but the great banks of
chips outside it point to the tomb. The greater part
of the tomb was stuccoed and painted, but most of
this covering has now disappeared. The execution of
what remains is far finer than that of any of the later
royal tombs. Three excellent heads of the king are
published (C.M. ccxxxii.; L.D. iii. 70 e). The tomb
in modern times contained only the lid of a sarcophagus
in red granite, and fragments of ushabtis and funeral
vases, etc. (D.E. ii. 80, 81 ; E. and P.P. Colls.).
The earliest dated Egyptian objects found in Europe
are the scarabs of Amenhotep and of Tyi, of which
several have been discovered in connection with Aegean
pottery.
In Syria, two alabaster vases of this king were
found at Gaza (Palestine Exploration Fund). At
Sarbut el Khadem, in Sinai, two steles show him
offering to Amen and to Hathor of Mafket ; it appears
that work was done at the mines in the last year of
the reign.
In Egypt, work was carried on in the Delta. Four
_,_ , statues of officials of
this age were found at
Bubastis ; two of a
governor Amenhotep,
one of a royal scribe*-
Kherfu, and one un-
named (N.B. 31-33).
And at Benha a large
slab of black granite
was found, with the
figure of the gilardian
serpent of the temple
of Har khenti khety
(M.D. 63 b).
The steles at Turrah
mention that " the king
gave orders to open
fresh chambers to quarry white excellent stone of An,
in order to build his chambers for a million of years.
FIG. 120. Amenhotep III. in middle
age.
B.C. 1414-1379.] MONUMENTS 189
When His Majesty found the chambers which were in
Rufuy going to great decay since the time of those who
were at the beginning, by my Majesty they were made
anew" (L.D. iii. 71 c, d). This was in the ist and
2nd years ; and a block at his temple of Kom Hettan
at Thebes dates the quarrying in the ist day of the ist
year.
At Memphis, the earliest of the Apis tombs belongs
to this time ; it was a rock chamber reached by a
sloping passage, and with a chapel built over it
(M.S. Ms. 117). A slab of this reign was found at
Memphis, and is now in the Ghizeh Museum (V.G.
230).
At Gurob, an interesting altar was dedicated by Tyi
to her husband's funereal service: " She made her
monuments of her beloved brother Neb*ma*ra." A
box lid and a kohl tube also name the king, his wife,
and daughter Hent'ta'neb (P.I. xvii. xxiv). A block of
Amenhotep was found in a town at Howarteh, near
Minieh (My.E. 406). At El Bersheh is a stele of the
ist year in a quarry (S.B.A. ix. 195). At Mesheikh,
nearly opposite Girgeh, stood a temple of this king
(S.B.A. vii. 172). At Rayaneh is a fort the bricks
of which are stamped by Amenhotep III. (My. E. 426).
In Upper Egypt, at Dendera, is a Ptolemaic sculpture
of the king in the guise of Hapi, with the cartouche
Ra'maa'neb on his head.
At Karnak is the great mass of work of this reign.
At the north end was built a temple of Mentu (N in
Baedeker), with a pylon, and obelisks of red granite
(C.N. ii. 271). The columns were polygonal, and the
temple contained many fragments of black granite
statues of the king and of Sekhet, and an exquisite
small sphinx of Amenhotep. It was restored and
altered by Merenptah, Ramessu V., and the Ptolemies
II., III., IV., and VI. (C.N. ii. 272; B.E. 161). On
the east of this was another lesser temple of this reign
(M.K. pi. i., marked C, but referred to as B in text,
p. 9).
A long avenue of 122 sphinxes, carved in sandstone,
190 AMENHOTEP III D>VK. xvm. *
extends before the temple of Khonsu ; these bear the
name of Amenhotep, and point to a temple of this
reign having stood on the site where Ramessu III.
afterwards built the existing temple.
A vast pylon was built by the king, as a new front
to the great temple of Amen. This was afterwards
used by Sety I. as the back of his great hall of columns,
and partly refaced on that side by fresh masonry. On
the north half of the west face are shown two great
ships. One, over forty feet long, is the royal vessel,
with the king standing on the poop, and cabins in the
middle with cornices. It is propelled by thirty or forty
rowers, and tows the barge of Amen, which bears the
small processional bark of Amen in a shrine, and on
the prow a sphinx and altar. The ends have great
sacred collars below the rams' heads of Amen, the
so-called aegis. On the east face are scenes of offering
to Amen by the king, and a long list of the offerings in
71 lines (M.K. xxxiv. v.). The colossus before pylon
XI. (of Horemheb) is not in its original place. Only
the pedestal and a foot now remain ; and the little toe
of that has been barbarously cut away in late years at
a tourist's whim. The work is in quartzite sandstone ;
and on the base are figures of the king as a youth with
the side-lock, showing that it belongs to the beginning
of his reign. The statue must have been of the same-
magnitude as the colossi on the western shore.
Inscriptions of Neb*maa-ra have been added to the
pylon of Tahutmes III. (pylon VIII.) and to the
building of Amenhotep II. in the great southern
court (S).
At the south end of Karnak stood a large and
important temple of Mut (T), crowded with hundreds
of lion-headed statues of Sekhet, which have been
dispersed among the collections of the world. The
lake round the sides and back of this temple still
remains. The building was re-worked by Sheshenk I.
At Luqsor, a mile and a half farther south, a great
temple was built by Amenhotep to his father Amen,
with special reference to the divine conception of the
B.C. 1414-1379.]
MONUMENTS
191
king. This was probably not connected at this time
with the temples of Karnak, as the axis of this temple
and the Karnak avenue of sphinxes have no alignment,
intersection, or relation to each other. The connection
of Luqsor and Karnak is rather due to the alterations
of Ramessu II. This Luqsor temple consists of five
portions, which have three slightly different axes. The
shrine which is a processional resting-place, open
FIG. i2i. Colonnade at Luqsor.
in both front and back has a hall before it, a
columnar gallery at the back, and chambers at the
sides. In front of this is an open court. Then a
hypostyle hall, of four rows of eight columns, the axis
of which is rather more to the north, instead of north-
east like the shrine. Then a court with colonnades
around it, which recovers the same direction as the
shrine. Lastly, before this, and the massive pylon
which formed its face, an avenue of fourteen columns
I 9 2 AMENHOTEP III [DW. xvm. 9.
was added as an approach, with a lesser pylon in
front of it.
On the western side of the Nile a great temple was
built in this reign ; to which the well-known colossi be-
longed, standing in front of the now-vanished pylon.
These colossi have obtained a celebrity through Greek
and Roman authors, which has little to do with their
importance in history. They were noble pieces of
work, but are now so fearfully injured that the group
of the Niles on the sides is the only part of artistic
value. The height of the figures is recorded by their
architect (in the inscription on his statue) as being 40
cubits ; with the pedestal and crown they appear to
have been exactly this size. At the sides of the legs,
against the throne, are statues of Mutemua the mother,
and of Tyi the wife, of the king. The Greek inscrip-
tions of visitors who came to hear the sunrise crackling
of the stone are published in D.E. ii. 22 ; v. 55. Other
colossi lie a little way behind these, and a vast stele of
sandstone about 14 feet wide and 30 feet high, which
decorated the forecourts of the temple. Remains of
the buildings of the temple chambers, at the back of
all, form the Kom Hettan, or " mound of chips/' On
the edge of the desert to the north of this are the
remains of the temple of Merenptah, which was entirely
formed from the plundering of Amenhotep's tempie.
The avenue of jackals with statues of the king between
the paws, the inscribed bases on which they stood, the
colossi, the sphinxes, the steles, the sculptured blocks,
and even the bricks, were all plundered and destroyed
for the sake of materials. Thence come the black
granite stele (usurped by Merenptah), and the white
limestone stele of Amenhotep's triumph, now in the
Ghizeh Museum. The chapel of Uazmes was restored
by Amenhotep III., whose ring was found under the
door sill. The small temple of Deir el Medineh was
founded by the great architect of this reign, Amen-
hotep, son of Hepu ; but none of the original building
remains, the whole being now Ptolemaic. The inscrip-
tion about it is noticed below under the architect's name.
B.C. I4 T4-i379-] MONUMENTS 193
At El Kab, a beautiful little temple, formed of a single
square chamber with four pillars and a court, stands
back in the desert valley. It was begun by Tahutmes
IV. and finished by Amenhotep III. (L.D. iii. 80).
The name of the king also occurs in the ruins of the
great temple (C.N. i. 266).
At Silsileh stood a shrine in the quarry, surmounted
by a hawk which now lies by it (S.B.A. xi. 233-4); and
also an altar which was dedicated in the 35th year of
Amenhotep (L.D. iii. 81 a-e). Probably of the same
time is a rock tablet of his in the same place (L.D.
iii. 81 f).
At Elephantine stood one of the most perfect and
beautiful examples of a temple of this age. It had the
usual processional form (with the sanctuary open front
and back), and a colonnade of seven pillars at the side
and four in the front around the outside. An unusual
feature was that it stood on a raised hollow platform
reached by a flight of steps. Happily it was passably
published in the Description (i. 34-8), for soon after
that, in 1822, it was swept away by the local governor
for stone (a fragment is quoted in M.I. i. 120).
By the quarry at Aswan lies a granite colossus,
which was in course of being removed ; though partly
buried, its proportion indicates a height of about
25 feet. A rock tablet in the quarry shows the
sculptor adoring the king's names, and saying that he
had "made the great image of his majesty the lion of
princes " (M.I. i. 62-3). The other steles at Aswan
refer to the war in the Sudan, and are dated in the
5th year, as we have noticed (L.D. iii. 81 g, h ; C.M.
95, 4 ; L.D. iii. 82 a). A stele from Semneh gives some
other details of this Nubian campaign (Arch. Jour. viii.
399)-
At Sedeinga (20 32' N.) are the remains of a
beautiful temple built in honour of queen Tyi. An
inscription says that Amenhotep ' * made his monuments
for the great and mighty heiress, the mistress of all
lands, Tyi " (L.D. iii. 82).
The great temple at Soleb (20 24' N.) was built in
1113
194
AMENHOTEP III
[DVN, xviii. 9.
this reign to commemorate the conquest of the Sudan.
The king is shown in the dedication festival, with all
his officials, entering in at the great gates, which each
have a name ; it is stated that * * all her gates were
made of best white sandstone," and the names " Neb*
maa'ra . . . nekht " and "Amenhotep Neb'maa'ra
s . . r . . . " remain for the great pylons.
At Napata (Mount Barkal), the Ethiopian capital
'., '^Ajj
FIG. 122. Colossal ram from Napata. Berlin.
(18 30' N.), were monuments which had been taken
from Soleb. Many of these are now in Europe ; two
rams and the base of a hawk at Berlin (L.D. iii. 89, 90),
and two lions (partly usurped by Tut -ankh -amen) in
London (L.A. 13 A.B.; Rec. xi. 212).
Turning now to the portraiture of the king, there are
several colossi ; two standing at Thebes, the upper
part of one entirely built up in Roman times ; another
B.C. J4T4-I379-3
MONUMENTS
195
of the same size buried behind these ; another farther
back ; and a group of four figures in one block, the
heads lost (My.E. 464). Great colossi of Amenhotep
in white limestone were removed from his temple and
broken up ; the remains having been found in the
buildings of temple of Merenptah and Medinet Habu.
Of statues there are two, one in white limestone (G.
Mus. ; Ms. G. 422), and
one in black granite
(B. Mus.), beside a
base at Avignon. A
group of the king and
Tyi is in the Saurma
collection. Three ex-
cellent drawings of
different ages are pub-
lished from the tomb
(C.M. 232 ; L.D. iii. 70). A beautiful small sphinx was
seen by Champollion at Karnak (C.N. ii. 272), and may
FIG. 123. Pottery and silver rings of
Amenhotep III. F.P. ColL
FIG. 124. Scarabs of Amenhotep III. Scale i : 2.
* "Born at Thebes."
F.P. ColL
2. "Beloved of all the gods in the palace."
3. " Prince, making decrees."
4. " Seizing Sangar. "
be one of the sphinxes now in front of the Academy at
St. Petersburg (Lb. P. 61).
Of divine figures of this age there are the innumerable
196 AMENHOTEP III (DYN. xvin. 9 .
statues of Sekhet in black granite, which were mainly
placed in the temple of Mut ; the standing Ptah in
diorite (in Turin), and a seated Ptah in limestone
(Turin) ; Anpu, seated, in basalt (Sabatier Coll.).
The various minor objects of this reign are sufficiently
catalogued at the head of this section. The scarabs
are peculiar from their large size and long inscriptions.
The text of the more important passages has been
already quoted ; and beside the long texts, there are
many scarabs of unusual size with phrases of honour,
such as "beloved of all the gods in the palace,"
"seizing Singar," " the lion of princes," etc.
PRIVATE MONUMENTS.
The tombs and tablets of the great officials of this
reign are of much importance. The wealth and leisure
of all classes led to the construction of magnificent
works, which far exceed in extent and beauty the royal
remains of most other ages.
We begin with the most celebrated official of Egypt
in any age, Amenhotep, the son of Hepu, the great
architect and administrator. On his statue found at
Karnak he states : " Mustering (of troops) was done
under me, as royal scribe over the recruits. I trained
the troops of my lord, my pen counted millions. ~i
appointed recruits in place of the veterans. I assessed
estates according to their just number, and when
workmen left their estates for me, I filled the number
of the serfs from the spoil smitten by his majesty in
battle. I examined all their gangs, I disciplined the
decayed. I appointed men over the road* to repel
foreigners from their place, enclosing the two lands in
watching the Bedawin on the way. I did likewise on
the water way, the river mouths were joined by my
parties, beside the crews of the royal ships. Behold, I
guided their ways, they obeyed my orders. I acted
as chief at head of my mighty men to smite the
Nubians. ... I counted the spoil of the victories (as
chief recorder). I was appointed overseer of all works.
B.C. 1414-1379.1 PRIVATE MONUMENTS 197
... I did not imitate what had been done before. . . .
I acted with the love of my heart in undertaking his
likeness in this his great temple, in every hard stone
firm as heaven. I undertook the works of his statues,
great in width, and higher than his pylon ; their
beauties eclipsed the pylon, their length was 40 cubits
in the noble rock of quartzite. I built a great barge,
I sailed it up the river (i.e. from Jebel Ahmar),
and I fixed the statues in his great temple firm like
heaven."
The statue bearing this inscription is of the quartzite
breccia of Gebel Ahmar (Fraas), and is now at Ghizeh
(V.G. 212 ; M.K. 36-7). The family was of import-
ance, as an Amenhotep surnamed Hepu (who was
already dead early in Tahutmes III.) is named in the
tomb of Aahmes Peirnekheb (L.D. iii. 43 b). The high
position of this architect is shown by his acting in the
absence of the king (then visiting the Delta) at the
founding of the temple of Deir el Medineh. The stele
which records this is apparently a later hieratic copy ;
it states that " Xlth year, Khoiak 6, under Amenhotep,
etc. This day there was in the temple of Kak, the
heir, the royal scribe Amenhotep. There came to him
the governor Amenhotep ; the treasurer Meriptah ;
and the royal scribe of the troops. He said to them
before His Majesty, * Listen to the orders which are
made for the management of the temple of Kak by the
heir, the royal scribe Amenhotep, named Hui son of
Hap.'" He recites them the gift of male and female
servants, and curses any who should remove the
endowment (B.I.H.D. xxix. ; C.E. ii. 324 ; A.Z. xiii.
123). Beside this high position, the reputation of this
great man lasted till late ages. The copy of the above
stele is Ptolemaic. And in a Ptolemaic sculpture in
the rock chapel at Deir el Bahri he is represented
standing with an " adoration by the scribe of recruits,
Amenhotep son of Hepu" (D.H. ii. 7). He was
correlated with Imhotep both at Medinet Habu
and at Deir el Bahri (A.Z. xxv. 117). Papyri were
attributed to him, as one in Paris, entitled "Book of
198 AMENHOTEP III IDYN. XVIIL 9.
the mysteries of the form found by the royal chief
reciter Amenhotep son of Hapi, and which he made
for himself as an amulet to preserve his members. "
This is a litany of magic names (Ms. M.P.L. 58).
Lastly, Josephus names him, saying that king Amen-
ophis desired to see one of the gods, "he also com-
municated his desire to his namesake Amenophis, who
was the son of Paapis, and one who seemed to partake
of a divine nature, both as to wisdom and the know-
ledge of futurities " ; and, further, he "called to mind
what Amenophis son of Paapis had foretold him "
(Cont. Ap. i. 26; see also A.Z. xv. 147). The other
officials known are :
Amenhotep, vizier, law-maker, overseer of all works
of the king, who may be the same as the above
son of Hepu. Two statues found at Bubastis
(N.B. 32).
Amenhotep) royal scribe, general, adoring cartouches
atBigeh(C.N. i. 161).
Amenhotep) royal scribe, Soleb (L.D. iii. 83).
Amenhotep) royal scribe, tablet (B. Mus. 151).
Amenhotep) the am'khent. Tomb, Thebes. Bears a
sphinx with the ka name of Amenhotep III.
Also two bearers of sceptres with titles and
names of Am. III., making monuments to his
father Ptah (M.A.F. i. 28).
AahmeS) governor of the town, adoring cartouches,
Konosso (L.D. iii. 82 d).
Aa'nen) seal-bearer, second prophet of Amen. Statue,
Turin (Rec. iii. 126).
Amen'em'hat) called Surer, chief semer, fan-bearer,
royal scribe, keeper of palace, born of royal
favourite Mut'tuy. Statue kneeling holding
stele, Louvre (P.R. L i) ; statuette, Louvre
(P.R. ii. 38) ; tablet, Aix (P.R. ii. 38) ; torso, B.
Mus. (Lb. D. 604).
Amen'nekht) princess, prays with her mother,
Mut'nefert, before Amenhotep- III., because " he
praises her beautiful face and honours her
beauty," Ushabti box, Berlin (B.C. 90).
C. WIST*! PRIVATE MONUMENTS 199
Amu'n'zeh, tomb finished under Am. III. ; royal
follower (M.A.F. v. 352 ; Rec. vii. 45). Qurneh.
Anhur'mes, scribe of works of temple of Am. III.
Cone (P.S. xxiii. 84).
Baken'khonsu, high priest of Amen, overseer of
prophets of all the gods. Naos, red sandstone,
Karnak (R.E. ix. 28).
Hebykhetf, prince of Memphis, adoring cartouches,
Aswan (M.I. 28, 8).
FIG. 125. Head of Khaemhat. Thebes, Berlin.
Hor y architect, stele, B. Mus. (T.S.B.A. viii. 143).
Hor'ewheb, royal scribe. Tomb, Thebes (M.A.F.
v. 432).
Hotep) fan-bearer before Am. III. and Thyi, Aswan
(M.I. i. 41, 181).
Kahu, stele, B. Mus. (Lb, D. 674).
Kha*em 9 hat> royal scribe of the granaries of south
zoo AMENHOTEP III IDYN. xvm. 9.
and north, etc. Tomb, Thebes (M.A.F. i. 116;
C.N. i. 498; C.M. 160; Pr. A. ; L.D. iii. 76-7);
slab at Berlin (B.C. 103).
Kherfu, treasurer, royal scribe, keeper of the palace,
adoring cartouches, Aswan (M.I. i. 44, 4) ; statue,
Berlin (B.C. 83) ; base of statue, Bubastis
(N.B. 33).
Men, son of Horammu, sculptor. Stele in style of
Tell el Amarna, at Aswan ; adoration of Am.
III. as a great statue, and his ka ; by the chief
of works in the red mountain, over the artists of
great monuments of the king. (Tablet of his
son Bak, see next reign) (M.I. i. 40, 174).
' Mermes, royal son of Kush, adoration before car-
touches, Aswan (P.S. 274) ; adoring, with
Kherfu, Aswan (M.I. i. 39, 177); Konosso
(L.D. iii. 82 b) ; Sehel (M.I. i. 91, 96) ; alabaster
canopic jar (B. Mus.) ; cones.
Mery, sam priest. Soleb (L.D. iii. 84).
Nebt'ka'bani) nurse of princess Satamen. Stele,
Abydos, G. Mus. (M.A. ii. 49).
Nefer'sekherU) royal scribe, keeper of palace (C.N.
i. 524). Tomb, Qurneh.
Pa*nehesty prophet of king, Turin, statue (Lb. D. 607).
Pa'sar, in tomb of Horemheb (B.R. ii. 66 c; not in
M.A.F.).
Ptah'mer, noble, eyes and ears of the king, keeper of
the palace of Maa*neb*ra. Stele, Leyden (Lb. D.
608).
Ptah'meSy A, father, Menkheperra ; son, Paneterhon ;
noble heir, high priest of Memphis, chancellor,
sole companion. Statue, breccia, Florence (S.
Cat. F. 1505) ; naos, Abydos, G. Mus. (M.A.
ii. 32 ; S. Cat. F. p. 203). Living under
Tahutmes III. and Amenhotep III.
Ptah'mes, B, father, Tahutimes; brother (?) Ptah'mer;
son, Khay ; noble heir> high priest of Memphis,
overseer of all the prophets of the' south and north,
Statue, grey granite, Thebes, Florence (S. Cat.
F. 1506); stele, Memphis (S. Cat. F. 1570);
B.C. 14X4-I379-] PRIVATE MONUMENTS 201
stele, Leyden (S. Cat. F. p. 205) ; cubit,
Leyden (S. Cat. F. p. 205) ; palette, basalt
(P.R. i. 93). A or B is adored on stele of
Ptatrankh (S. Cat. F. 1571). B living under
Amenhotep III.
(The above persons have been confused,
but their parentage and titles serve to distin-
guish them. Paneterhon of Florence, 1679,
cannot be the son of Ptalrmes A, as his father
is Mahuy. The very different styles of the
Florence statues, 1505 and 1506, would well
agree to the beginning and the end of the long
reign of Amenhotep III.)
Ptah'mes, C, high priest of Amen, governor of south
Thebes. Stele, Avignon (W.G. 395).
Rirmen'kheper^ son of king Amenhotep II. ? Stele,
Bigeh (C.N. i. 161).
Ra'meS) A, vizier, at Soleb dedication (L.D. iii. 83) ;
rock stele, Bigeh, adoring cartouches (P.S.
334) ; another stele, Bigeh (C.N. i. 614) ; rock
stele, Sehel, adoring cartouches and Anket
(M.D. 70, 21).
Ra*meS) B, general, overseer of palace. Tomb, Tell
el Amarna (M.A.F. i. 10).
Sa-ast, called Pa'nekhu. Stele, Turin (Rec. iii. 125).
Sa'mut, kher heb> at Soleb dedication (L.D. iii. 84) ;
= (?) treasurer, translator of the messengers in
the palace, second prophet of Amen. Tomb,
Thebes (C.N. i. 539).
Sebek'mes, treasurer. Rock stele, Aswan, by river
(M.I. i. 44, 2).
Sebek'nekht, noble heir, keeper of palace. Stele,
Munich (Lb. D. 6n).
Tahutimes, father of Ptahmes B (? son of Ptahmes A).
Stele, Leyden (S. Cat. F. p. 205) ; stele, Flor-
ence (S. Cat. F. 1570).
TahutimeS) overseer of serfs. Stele, B. Mus. (Lb. D.
Userhat) keeper of palace of Tyi in Thebes ; in tomb
of Khonsu, Qurneh (Rams. II.).
AMENHOTEP III
[DYN. xvm. 9,
Amenhotep was adored as a god after his death, but
not as much as might
be expected. At Soleb
his son Akhenaten (so
written) appears in
regular royal dress,
and not in his peculiar
style, adoring the king.
At Aswan, Men, the
sculptor, adores the
great statue. At Mem-
phis the king was also
adored (Pap. Sail, iv.,
pi. 2, verso). A stele
of a priest of Amen-
hotep III. bears an
adoration to Osiris,
Isis, Amenhotep, and
Tyi (C.N. ii. 703).
And a statue at Kar-
nak bears a du hotep
suten prayer to Sokar,
Nefertum, Sekhet, and
FIG. 126. Aged head of Amenhotep
III. , from his tomb.
Amenhotep III. (S.B.A. xi. 423).
ROYAL FAMILY.
We have already noticed the relation of the king to
the Mesopotamian rulers of Mitanni and Kardunyas ;
and the uncertainty about the parentage of his great
queen Tyi, who appears to have had hereditary rights
to the Egyptian kingdom probably through her
mother. The monuments of Tyi are numerous. She
appears at the sides of the colossi of her husband, and
with him in official scenes, as at Soleb. Her parentage
is recorded on the large scarabs, which name her
father Yuaa, and her mother Thuaa (A.Z. xviii. 82).
.c. I414-I379-J ROYAL FAMILY 203
Her figure was sculptured in the tomb of Huy (No. 2),
at Tell el Amarna (L.D. iii. jooc; Pr. A.). Two trial
pieces left in sculptors' shops at Tell el Amarna show
her face (P.A. i. 6). Her ushabtis of alabaster were
found in the tomb of her husband (D.E. v. 60, 7).
She dedicated altars to the ka of Amenhotep after his
death, of which one has remained in the remote country
town of Gurob (P.I. xxiv.). Toilet boxes bear her
name, from Gurob (P.I. xxiv.) and at Turin (Rec. iii.
127), while numerous scarabs and cowroids show her
name, sometimes conjoined with that of her husband ;
in two cases their figures appear together (B. Mus.,
Brocklehurst Coll., P. Sc. 1305-9), and on one scarab
she is shown seated (B. Mus. ; P. Sc. 1308). Her name
appears alone in the quarry at Tell el Amarna, probably
after her husband's death (P.A. 4, xlii.).
Of queen Kirgipa only one mention appears in Egypt,
on a scarab recording her entry into the land with 317
women attendants, who, doubtless, spread the Syrian
tastes in the Egyptian court (A.Z. xviii. 82). Her
father is said to be Satharna ; and this leaves no
question but that she is Gilukipa, daughter of Su . . .
king of Mitanni, named by Dushratta in his cuneiform
correspondence (letters 4 and n).
Of the children of Amenhotep III. but little is known.
Beside his son, afterwards Akhenaten, there is one
son, Tahutimes, who may be only a titular prince and
not a relation (L.K. 385). Two daughters are known
from the scenes on the temple of Soleb, named Ast and
Henfmerheb (L.D. iii. 86 b) ; Satamen is named on an
ebony slip from a toilet box (B. Mus. ; Arch. Jour. viii.
397), and on a dish from Tell el Amarna (P.A. xiii. 16),
and is shown seated as a child on the knees of her
nurse, Nebt'ka'bani, on a stele from Abydos (G. Mus. ;
M.A. ii. 49) ; while Henf ta'neb is only known by a
piece of a glazed pottery kohl tube of hers found at
Gurob (P.I. xvii. 20).
The princess Bakt'aten has been usually placed as
a seventh and youngest daughter of Akhenaten. She
occurs, however, in a tomb of his I2th year, or only six
AMENHOTEP III
[DYN. xviu. g
years after the second daughter was born ; and she
never appears among the daughters where four (L.D.
iii. 93) or six (L.D. iii. 99) are shown, hence there is a
difficulty as to her position, unless she died very young.
Her real origin is, however, intimated in the tomb of
Huya, the only place where she is represented. She is
there always associated with Tyi ; she sits by the side
of Tyi (L.D. iii. icoc), while the daughters of
Akhenaten side by their mother ; she alone follows
FIG. 127. Court artist Auta painting a statue of Bektaten.
Tyi (L.D. iii. 101) in a procession where no other
children appear ; and her figure is painted by Auta,
court artist to Tyi (L.D. iii. icoa). Moreover, she is
never called other than a king's daughter, whereas "all
the other princesses in every inscription are entitled
daughters of Nefertiti. Thus, by the difficulty about
her position in the family, by her constant association
with Tyi, and by her being differently entitled to all the
others, it seems clear that she was the youngest and
favourite child of Tyi.
[B.C. I383-I365.1
AKHENATEN
205
XVIII. 10.
NEFER-KHI
(Nap-khui
EPRU'RA ( O I '
* \ \^ ^
* 1 O 1 ^J r 3 8 3-
^J \ ?\ .. ... n J
AAAA/sA J\ n ^
/
" "
AMEN-HOTEP IV. /" A r^ a-~ ci o /g ^
NETER'HEK'UAST 1 ^j /WWVA ^ g | J[ 1
AKHEN*ATEN f ft /JS* ^fl? ***"* J
Tomb
Valley at Tell el Amarna
(P.A. xxxiv.)
Heliopolis
Fragments of granite
(A.Z. xix. 116; Rec.
vi. 53).
Memphis
Fragments in Cairo
(A.Z. xix. 116; S.I.
ii. 48).
ft
Tablet with cartouches
(M.D. 346).
,,
Re-used blocks, Sydney
(N. Aeg. 117-134).
Mus.
f
Stele of Huy
(M.D. 56, 2).
Gurob
Fragments of scene
(P.I. xxiv. 10).
Kahun
Papyrus, 5th year
(P.I. 50).
Eshmunen
Tell el Amarna
Granite pedestal
Palace
(Rev. Arch. I. i. 730).
(P.A. 7, pis. ii.-x.).
M
Temple of Aten
(P.A. 1 8).
J?
Three rock steles, W.
(P.A. 5; Pr. M. xiv. ;
bank
L.D. iii. 91 a-f).
"
Eleven rock steles, E.
bank
(P.A. 5-6; Rec. xv.
36; L.D. iii. nob,
1 10 a; Pr. M. xii.).
(Private tombs, see list below).
Death mask, G. Mus. (P.A. front).
Statues, B. Mus., Amherst(P.A. 18).
Colossi (P.A. 9).
Ushabtis, G. Mus., F.P. (P.A. 17).
Coll.
Triad, F.P. Coll. (P.A. i. i).
Sculpture and trial piece (P.A. i. 5, 9).
Steles, E. Coll., G. Mus., (P.A. xii. ; V.G. 150,
A. Mus., Amherst, in 207).
pavement house
Fragments of steles, (P. A.).
sculptures, vases, etc. ;
A. Mus., F.P. Coll.,
Ph. Mus., etc.
206
AMENHOTEP IV
[DYN. XVHI. 10,
Tell el Amarna Jar sealings, A. Mus
Rings
Hammamat Rock cuttings
Q
Ti
;us Blocks
; hebes Fragments used by
Horemheb
,, Stone on quay, Luxor
,, Three stones, Karnak
Erment Block
Silsileh Stele about building
E. Silsileh Stele of Amen Ra
Aswan Stele of Bak
Soleb King worshipping father
(P.A. xxi.).
(P. A. xiv. xv.).
(L.D. iii. 91 g;
i. 6; G.H.
iii. 5).
P.M.C
G.H.
i. 8,
(W.M.C. iii. 52).
(Pr. M. x.-xi. ; L.D.
iii. noc-g; iooc =
Berl., B.C. 2072, p.
101 ; Rec. vi. 51.)
(W.G. 399).
(W.G. 399).
(W.G. 400).
(L.D. iii. iioi).
(S.B.A. xi. 233).
(M.D. 26 u).
(L.D. iii. nok).
Statuette P. Mus. (L.D. iii. 294, 44).
Shoulder of G. Mus. (W.G, 402).
statue, lime-
stone
Fragments of Amherst Coll. (P.A. 18).
statues
Body of quartz- F.P. Coll.
ite
Headofstat- T. Mus.
uette, lime-
stone
Portraits, best Young, Karnak
Older, P. Mus.
,, Death mask
Steles Quartzite (G. Mus.)
,, (Paris Cab. Med.)
Alabaster (E. Coll., Berl.)
,, Stone (Berl.)
Door jamb (Berl.)
fragment
Cartouche blocks, limestone (Turin)
red granite (Sabatier Coll.)
,, limestone and blue glaze, (Am-
herst)
Part of altar, granite (G. Mus.)
Part of mortar, red granite (F. Mus.)
(F.P. Coll.)
Vase, alabaster, Leyden.
Rings, gold and copper, scarabs, plaques, etc.
Gold plated heart scarab. Maudsley.
(L.D. iii. 294, 42).
(L.D. iii. 294,43). '"-
(P.A. front).
(V.G. p. 72).
(Rev. Arch. I. v. 63).
(B.C. 2045, p. 97).
(B.C. 10187, P- IOI )
(B.C. 2069, p. joi).
(L.T. 1378).
(Rec. xiv. 55).
(P.A. 18, 19).
(V.G. 708).
(S. Cat. F. p. 53).
B.C. 1383-1365.] AKHENATEN 207
Queen TADUKHIPA (?) NEFERTITI.
Fragments of Amherst Coll. (P. A. 18, i. 13, 15).
5 statues
Portraits Best , (L.D. iii. in ; P. A.
14, xii.).
Building Tell el Amarna (P. A. 8, x.).
Vases Fragments (P. A. xiii. 23-34).
Rings, etc. (P.A. xv.).
Daughters Mert'aten, mar. Ra'smenkh'ka (L.D. iii. 99 a).
Makt'aten, died before the king.
Ankh*s*en'pa*aten = Ankhsenamen, mar. Tut'ankh*
amen.
Nefernefnraten (L.D. iii. 93).
Married son of Burnaburyas, see letter 16.
Nefer'nefnrra (L.D. iii. 99).
Sotep'en'ra (L.D. iii. 99).
The dated documents of this reign are not many
Only one bears the name of Amenhotep, in
Vth year, Phamenoth 19, papyrus letter, Kahun
(P.I. 50). Of Akhenaten there are the numerous dated
rock steles, all of the Vlth and VHIth years (the
doubtful reading- I Vth year in L.D. nob should
certainly be Vlth year, as shown by one daughter being
figured).
Xllth year, Mekhir 8, visit of Tyi, recorded in tomb
of Huya (L.D. iii. rooc).
XVIIth year, series of wine jar inscriptions ceases ;
end of reign.
The beginning of the reign of Amenhotep IV. is
obscure. That Tyi for a brief time held the power at
Tell el Amarna, is indicated by her name appearing
alone in a quarry at that place (P.A. 4, xlii.) ; but this
may have only been for a few weeks.
We have already noticed that from Dushratta's
letter (6) it appears that Amenhotep III. was negotiat-
ing for his son's marriage before his death ; and from
another letter of Dushratta (9) we learn that Tadukhipa
was the daughter thus married to Akhenaten, and who
was known in Egypt as Nefertiti. Moreover, Dush-
208
AMENHOTEP IV
[DYN. xvni. 10.
ratta alludes to the marriage in a letter addressed to
Amenhotep III. This all points to Akenhaten's marri-
age having occurred just about the time of his father's
death, and certainly
before he took over
affairs from his mother
Tyi (see Dushratta's
letter 9). Now, from
the monuments show-
ing sometimes only one
daughter (with a re-
cord inserted later)
and sometimes two
daughters in his 6th
year, it is clear that
his second daughter
was born in the close
of the 6th year of his
reign. This would
point to his marriage
having taken place
early in the 4th year. And hence he may very probably
have been co-regent with his father in the years before
his marriage.
Now Manetho in Josephus states that Amenhotep III.
reigned 30 years 10 months, and yet his latest monu-
ment is in his 36th year, Mekhir 9. But this is jtist
capable of a complete explanation by the co-regency of
his son. For, as Amenhotep III. was crowned on the
i3th Epiphi, his reign of 30 years and 10 months would
lead us to date the beginning of Amenhotep IV. about
the middle of Pakhons in his father's 3ist year.
Hence the date of the Sarbut el Khadem stfele on Mekhir
9 in the 36th year would be just 40 days before the
earliest date of Amenhotep IV. on Phamenoth 19, year 5,
which implies the decease of his father. The old king
appears then to have died within the few weeks between
these dates.
As there are many works of the 6th year of Amen-
hotep IV. , his father was certainly then dead ; and this
FIG. 128. Young head of Amenhotep IV.
B.C. 1383-1365-]
AKHENATEN
209
limits us to fix his father's death in any case within a
few months after the stele of his 36th year. (See
further the endorse-
ment on Tell el
Amarna, letter No.
8).
The parentage of
Nefertiti has been
assigned (Rec. vi.
52) to Tyi ; a view
which is contra-
dicted by the ex-
press reference of
Dushratta (letter 9)
to Tadukhipa his
daughter, Tyi's
daughter-in-law.
This view has been
based on a misread-
ing of the title of
Tyi, seten'mut'seten*
hemt'urt) as if it
vtvcsseten'mut'errseten'hemt'urt (L.D. iii. icoc). That
the first is the true reading, is plain from* a repetition
of the title twice in the same tomb (pi. 101), where
there is no n after seten, and where the titles are
inserted as seten'hemt'urfrseten'muty so that the mean-
ing is evidently that Tyi was not " royal mother of the
king's wife," but " royal wife and royal mother." This
is also shown by Nezenrmut being distinguished as
"the sister of Nefertiti" (L.D. iii. 109), and not as
"daughter of Tyi," which would have been the more
important relationship had it existed.
That Nefertiti had an hereditary claim to the
Egyptian throne, is shown by her titles : she was the
erpaturt) hent hemtu neb, the "great heiress, princess
of all women," and "the princess of south and north,
the lady of both lands." These titles, like the titles of
Tyi, imply an hereditary right to rule Egypt ; and such
a right would exist had Dushratta married an Egyptian
II 14
FIG. 129. Head of Amenhotep IV.
AMENHOTEP IV
[DYN. xvm. xo.
princess who became mother of Tadukhipa Nefertiti.
Such a marriage is very probable, looking- at the letters
that passed, the equality of terms between Dushratta
and his brother-in-law Amenhotep III., and his asking
as a matter of course for an Egyptian wife for him-
self.
It seems, then, that we may approximately reckon that
the accession of Amenhotep IV. was in Pakhons in his
father's 3ist year ; that about Epiphi, or early in his 4th
year, he married Nefertiti ( = Tadukhipa, daughter of
Dushratta), who did not at first take the name A ten*
neferneferu (P.A. xiii.
23) ; that in his 4th year
he still worshipped Ra
Harakhti (Ostrakon,
P.A. 33) ; that in his 5th
year, Mekhir 9, his father
was yet alive, but prob-
ably died before Phame-
noth 19. That in the
end of the 5th year the
tomb of Rames at Thebes
was begun before the
artists had given up the
boyish face of Amen-
hotep, and adopted -the
new style of art ; also a
great building of Silsileh
stone was begun at
Thebes (L.D. iii. 1 10 i) under the old style of art. Then,
early in his 6th year, he shook off the worship of Amen,
and even of the hawk-headed Horus, adopted the Aten
worship, took the name Akhenaten, established a new
capital at Tell el Amarna, and erected the rock tablets
defining the new city, before the birth of his second
daughter in the 6th year. After the second daughter
was born came the change of his name at Thebes
(Pr. M. xi. 3), and still later the change of his facial
type at Thebes (Pr. M. x. i, 2).
Having now traced the detail of his earlier years, we
FIG. 130. Amenhotep IV. supporting
the cartouches of the Aten : from a
scarab. F.P. Coll.
B.C. 1383-1365.! THE ATEN WORSHIP 211
turn to the great phenomenon of this reign, the conver-
sion of the king and the court. This change took place,
as we have seen, early in the 6th year of the reign. The
age of Akhenaten is an all-important factor in the
question ; and this is indicated in two ways. His
marriage was only just before his conversion, perhaps
two years at most. The conversion cannot then be put
before his i8th year, or probably rather later. But, on
the other hand, all his portraits before the change show
a distinctly boyish type, and are like his father Amen-
hotep III., while after the change they are like his
mother Tyi. Such a transition from the type of one
parent to that of the other on reaching adolescence is
not unlikely, but it certainly could not be put later than
the fixation of the features at about 15 or 16 years of
age. The artistic recognition of the change lagged, no
doubt, and more at Thebes than at Tell el Amarna ;
but the change being shown not earlier than his i8th
year of age, points to his not being much beyond that
age in any case. Now this consideration of his age
points plainly to his not being a principal in the revolu-
tion, but being acted on by some older and more
responsible party. A lad of 18 cannot be supposed to
have thought out a new system of religion, ethics, and
art for himself, and to have defied the whole feelings
of his country. The steady rise of the Aten into notice
in the later years of his father (even before the son was
born, as in the boat-name Aten'neferu in the nth year),
shows that an older influence was working. And yet
it was an external influence, as the whole system
utterly vanished without any party remaining in Egypt
to support it, when it once collapsed. Tyi was un-
doubtedly the main mover in this change, as it was
carried out completely just when she had the greatest
power, as regent after her husband's death, and con-
trolled the boy-king. Nefertiti of the same race as
Tyi was also a great supporter of the movement, and
probably her marriage precipitated it.
But here we are met by the reminder that the Aten
was the old worship of Heliopolis, that the high priest
212
AKHENATEN
[DYN. XVXIL xo.
FIG. 131. Cartouches of
the Aten.
had the title of that of Heliopolis, and that there was
nothing new to Egypt but a few externals. This may
no doubt be technically true so far as mere words go,
but a glance at the feeling and character of the whole
age marks it out as due to some
completely un- Egyptian influ-
ence, which no Heliopolitan
source could ever have origin-
ated. That the sun was wor-
shipped as the Aten in what
appears to have been the old
centre of the invading Meso-
potamian race and religion at
Heliopolis, does not disprove
that the Syrian Adon had any-
thing to do with it ; but only points to the worship of the
sun as lord, Adon, having come in ages before, and being
used as an Egyptian stem on which to graft a re-importa-
tion of the foreign ideas in the later age. The old Aten
worship does not exclude the influence of the Adon,
but is rather the very thing itself, ready to revert to
its foreign and un-Egyptian type when a fresh wave of
Asiatic ideas came in. That the name Adon, for lord,
was an old Syrian word, apart altogether from the
Semitic influence of the Jewish conquest, is shown by
the names of Adonizedek, king of Jerusalem, Adoni-
bezek, king of Bezek, and the general use of the name
Adonis in northern Syria, there applied not to the sun-
god, but to the vegetation god.
The religious changes were profound. In place of the
devotion to Amen, which had completely enthralled the
previous kings, the very name of Amen was proscribed
and erased throughout the country. One only of the
old deities, Maat, appears on the sculptures of Akhen-
aten ; once as a full-sized protecting deity before his
conversion (tomb of Ra'mes, Thebes), and after that
only as an emblem of truth, a small figure held in the
hand. Maat is also constantly named by the king, but
only as the abstract idea of truth, and not as a deity.
Before each of his cartouches he adopted the title
B.C. 1383-1365-]
THE ATEN WORSHIP
213
Ankh'em'maaty " Living in Truth" ; and in face of his
overwhelming devotion to the Aten-sun, it is clear that
this refers to the abstract quality and not to a concrete
deity.
FIG. 132. Akhenaten and Nefertiti. The rays holding a uraeus, an
ankh, four supporting the king, another holding an ankh, and three
supporting the queen.
The same tendency to the abstract is shown in the
sun-worship. Other ages had worshipped the human-
figured sun-god Ra, or a hawk as his emblem ; and
214 AKHENATEN CDYN. xvm. xo-
when the sun itself was represented, it was as a con-
crete solid ball. But a more refined and really philo-
sophical worship was substituted for this by Akhenaten,
that of the radiant energy of the sun, of the sun as
sustaining all life by his beams. No one sun-
worshipper or philosopher seems to have realised
until within this century the truth which was the basis
of Akhenaten's worship, that the rays of the sun are
the means of the sun's action, the source of all life,
power, and force in the universe. This abstraction of
regarding the radiant energy as all-important was quite
disregarded, until recent views of the conservation of
force, of heat as a mode of motion, and the identity of
heat, light, and electricity, have made us familiar with
the scientific conception which was the characteristic
feature of Akhenaten's new worship. In every sculp-
ture he is shown adoring the Aten, which radiates above
him ; an utterly new type in Egypt, distinct from all
previous sculptures. Each ray ends in a hand, and
these hands lay hold of the king and queen, and support
their bodies and limbs, sustain their crowns, give the
power symbolised by the royal uraeus, and the life
symbolised by the ankh pressed to their lips. If this
were a new religion, invented to satisfy our modern
scientific conceptions, we could not find a flaw in the
correctness of this view of the energy of the solar
system. How much Akhenaten understood we can-*"*
not say, but he had certainly bounded forward in
his views and symbolism to a position which we
cannot logically improve upon at the present day.
Not a rag of superstition or of falsity can be found
clinging to this new worship evolved out of the old
Aten of Heliopolis, the sole lord or *Adon of the
universe.
The great hymn to the Aten is evidently an original
composition of this reign, and in view of the large share
in the new worship taken personally by the king, it is
probable that this hymn is partly or wholly his own
composition. It has been fully edited by Professor
Breasted, and is here translated by Mr. Griffith. After
B.C. 1383-1365.] THE ATEN WORSHIP 215
an introduction stating that the king and queen adore
the Aten, the hymn begins :
(Aten ruling the course of the day.) [Morning
Thy appearing is beautiful in the horizon of heaven,
The Living Aten, the beginning of life ;
Thou risest in the horizon of the east,
Thou fillest every land with thy beauty.
[Noon
Thou art very beautiful, brilliant and exalted above earth,
Thy beams encompass all lands which thou hast made.
Thou art the sun, thou settest their bounds,
Thou bindest them with thy love.
Thou art afar off, but thy beams are upon the land ;
Thou art on high, but the day passes with thy going.
[Night
Thou restest in the western horizon of heaven,
And the land is in darkness like the dead.
[Men
They lie in their houses, their heads are covered,
Their breath is shut up, and eye sees not to eye ;
Their things are taken, even from under their heads, and they
know it not.
(Beasts
Every lion cometh forth from his den,
And all the serpents then bite ;
The night shines with its lights,
The land lies in silence ;
For he who made them is in his horizon.
(A fen ruling all living beings.)
The land brightens, for thou risest in the horizon,
Shining as the Aten in the day ;
The darkness flees, for thou givest thy beams,
Both lands are rejoicing every day.
[Men
Men awake and stand upon their feet,
For thou liftest them up ;
They bathe their limbs, they clothe themselves,
They lift their hands in adoration of thy rising,
Throughout the land they do their labours.
[Animals
The cattle all rest in their pastures,
Where grow the trees and herbs ;
The birds fly in their haunts,
Their wings adoring thy ka.
All the flocks leap upon their feet,
The small birds live when thou risest upon them.
216 AKHENATEN [DYN. XVIIL 10.
[ Waters
The ships go forth both north and south,
For every way opens at thy rising.
The fishes in the river swim up to greet thee,
Thy beams are within the depth of the great sea.
(A fen the source of life.) [Man
Thou Greatest conception in women, making the issue of
mankind ;
Thou makest the son to live in the body of his mother,
Thou quietest him that he should not mourn,
Nursing him in the body, giving the spirit that all his growth
may live.
When he cometh forth on the day of his birth,
Thou ppenest his mouth to speak, thou doest what he needs.
[Animals
The small bird in the egg, sounding within the shell,
Thou givest to it breath within the egg,
To give life to that which thou makest.
It gathers itself to break forth from the egg,
It cometh from the egg, and chirps with all its might,
It runneth on its feet, when it has come forth.
(A ten omnipresent.)
How many are the things which thou hast made !
Thou Greatest the land by thy will, thou alone,
With peoples, herds, and flocks,
Everything on the face of the earth that walketh on its feet,
Everything in the air that flieth with its wings.
In the hills from Syria to Kush, and the plain of Egypt,
Thou givest to every one his place, thou framest their lives,
To every one his belongings, reckoning his length of days ; .^
Their tongues are diverse in their speech,
Their natures in the colour of their skin.
As a divider thou dividest the strange peoples.
(A ten watering the earth.)
When thou hast made the Nile beneath the earth,
Thou bringest it according to thy will to make the people to
live :
Even as thou hast formed them unto thyself, *
Thou art throughout their lord, even in their weakness.
Oh, lord of the land that risest for them.
Aten of the day, revered by every distant land, thou makest
their life,
Thou placest a Nile in heaven that it may, rain upon them,
That it may make waters upon the hills like the great sea,
Watering their fields amongst their cities.
How excellent are thy ways !
. 1383-1365-]
THE ATEN WORSHIP
217
Oh, lord of eternity, the Nile in heaven is for the strange people,
And all wild beasts that go upon their feet.
The Nile that cometh from below the earth is for the land of
Egypt,
That it may nourish every field.
Thou shinest and they live by thee.
(A fen causing the seasons.)
Thou makest the seasons of the year to create all thy works ;
The winter making them cool, the summer giving warmth.
Thou makest the far-off heaven, that thou mayest rise in it,
That thou mayest see all that thou madest when thou wast
alone.
FIG, 133. Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and daughters.
Rising in thy forms as the living Aten,
Shining afar off and returning,
The villages, the cities, and the tribes, on the road and the
river,
All eyes see thee before them,
Thou art the Aten of the day over all the land.
(Aten revealed to the iking.)
Thou art in my heart, there is none who knoweth thee, except-
ing thy son Nefer*kheperu'ra*ua'en'ra ;
Thou causest that he should have understanding, in thy ways
and in thy might.
2i8 AKHENATEN CDVH. xvm. xo.
The land is in thy hand, even as thou hast made them :
Thou shinest ana they live, and when thou settest they die ;
For by thee the people live, they look on thy excellencies until
thy setting 1 .
They lay down all their labours when thou settest in the west,
And when thou risest they grow ........
Since the day that thou laidest the foundations of the earth,
Thou raisest them up for thy son who came forth from thy sub-
stance,
The king of Egypt, living in Truth, lord of both lands, Nefer
khepenrra'ua'en'ra,
Son of the sun, living in Truth, Akhenaten, great in his duration ;
And the great royal wife, his beloved, lady of both lands,
Nefer'neferu'Aten,
Nefert'iti, living and flourishing for ever eternally.".
In this hymn all trace of polytheism, and of anthro-
pomorphism, or theriomorphism, has entirely disap-
peared. The power of the sun to cause and regulate
all existence is the great subject of praise ; and careful
reflection is shown in enumerating the mysteries of the
power of the Aten exemplified in the animation of
nature, reproduction, the variety of races, and the
source of the Nile, and watering by rain. It would
tax any one in our days to recount better than this the
power and action of the rays of the sun. And no con-
ception that can be compared with this for scientific
accuracy was reached for at least three thousand years
after it. The impress of the new Aten worship on the
old formula is curiously given by a stele found aT~
Sakkara. It reads, "a royal offering to the Aten"
(or, on the other side, "to Aten, prince of the two
horizons, the sole god "), " living in truth, made by the
overseer of the merchants of the temple of Aten, Huy."
Here not only is the god's name changed, but the ka
has disappeared, and the offering is "made by" (an)
such an one (M.D. 56, 2).
In ethics a great change also marks this age. The
customary glorying in war has almost disappeared ;
only once, and that in a private tomb, is there any
indication of war during the reign. The motto " Liv-
ing in Truth " is constantly put forward as the keynote
to the king's character, and to his changes in various
B.C. 1383-1365.]
THE ATEN WORSHIP
219
lines. And domestic affection is held up as his ideal of
life, the queen and children being shown with him on
every occasion.
FIG. 134. Group of women. Tell el Amarna.
In art the aim was the direct study of nature, with as
little influence as possible from convention ; animals in
rapid motion, and natural
grouping of plants, were
specially studied, and treated
in a manner more natural than
in any other Oriental art.
This may be best seen in the
pavement frescoes, and the
columns covered with creepers,
found at Tell el Amarna (P.A.
ii.-viii.).
The length of the reign is
indicated by the dating on
the series of wine jar frag-
ments found at Tell el Amarna.
These extend to year 17, and
point therefore to a reign
of 17 or 1 8 years. From these same jar datings we
glean that the succeeding king, Ra'smenkh'ka, was
co-regent with Akhenaten for a time; there are no
dates of the first year, and no wine dates of the
third year, but plenty of the second. This points to
Ra'smenkh'ka having been associated in his first year,
independent in his second, and having left the place in
FIG. 135. Foliage on column.
Tell el Amarna.
220 AKHENATEN [DYN. xvm. to.
the third year. Such a co-regency is also pointed out
by the frequency of the rings of his naming him
" beloved of Ra*nefer*kheperu," or " beloved of Ua'n*
Ra " ; thus indicating his being dependent on Akhen-
aten. Of such rings there are 25 known, against
bnly 1 8 with the name Ra*ankh % kheperu alone. So by
the proportion he would seem to have lived at Tell el
Amarna mainly as a co-regent.
MONUMENTS.
The tomb of Akhenaten was excavated in a branch
of one of the great valleys which open on the plain of
Tell el Amarna. The situation resembles that of the
tomb of Amenhotep III. at Thebes, but is more remote,
being seven miles from the river (P. A. xxxiv.). The
entrance is at the floor of a small side valley ; the
passage, after descending a short way, has a chamber
on the right hand, which is covered with scenes of the
mourning for the second daughter, Makt'aten, showing
that she died before her father. A passage also on the
right side leads round to what seems to have been the
beginning of a parallel tomb to the main one, but it
was left unfinished. The main tomb passage descends
onward until it reaches a level chamber supported
formerly by four pillars ; on the right side of this is_ a
smaller chamber. The main chamber has been all
carved and painted on a stucco coat ; this has now
dropped off, or been destroyed, leaving only traces of the
work where it had been cut through to the limestone
rock. In this chamber were fragments of a red granite
sarcophagus covered with sculpture, and many pieces
of granite ushabtis. The tomb was discovered by the
natives many years ago, and a heart scarab with gold
plate was then sold at Thebes. In 1891, M. Gr^baut
obtained knowledge of the tomb, and it was cleared
irregularly and without continuous supervision, the
men employed selling the objects that were found. I
describe it here from memory ; and the only plan yet
published is a sketch in A.R., E.E. Fund, 1892, p. 12,
B.C. 1383-1365-] MONUMENTS 221
Near it are two other tombs in an adjacent branch of
the valley ; but these are equally unpublished, and, so
far as I know, not yet cleared.
In considering the positions of the works of Akhen-
aten, it must always be remembered that (unlike those
of any other reign) they were very extensive at Tell
el Amarna, and were all completely swept away from
there in a short time. Hence they would not be used
up like other buildings simply for local purposes ;
but they had to be quickly got rid of, at any cost, some-
where. They are, therefore, likely to have been taken
to far greater distances than the remains of other
kings ; and it is only when fragments are found in
position, or state the locality of their erection, that we
can infer that a building of this reign existed outside of
Tell el Amarna.
At Heliopolis there certainly was a temple built, as a
piece of red granite found there gives the name of
Mert'aten, and mentions the " building of Ra in An."
At Memphis slabs have been found re-used (N. Aeg.
1 17-134), bearing portions of the Aten rays and name of
Akhenaten ; and many other pieces about Cairo, by the
mosque of Hakem and the Bab en Nasr, may have
come from here or from Heliopolis. A stele at Sakhara
of an ' ' overseer of the merchants of the temple of
Aten " named Huy, has been taken to prove the
existence of a temple at Memphis ; but the official
might have been of Heliopolis. The remains at Gurob,
Eshmunen, and Qus, may have come from Tell el Amarna.
At the capital of the new faith an enormous amount
of work was done. The palace a group of uncon-
nected buildings occupied a space of about 1500 x 500
feet or more (P. A. xxxvi.). The great temple of the Aten
was about 250 feet square ; it stood in an enclosure
nearly half a mile long, within which were scattered
various other buildings. Another temple, and many
large buildings, taxed the royal resources ; while a
town of private mansions and houses was the work
of the bureaucracy. The palace appears to have been
deserted early in Ra*smenkh*ka's reign, and the town
AKHENATEN
[DYN. xvin. 10.
was abandoned in the next reign of Tut 'ankh 'amen ;
but even apparently as late as Horenvheb a cartouche
was cut on the temple (P.A. xi. 5), although that king
destroyed the buildings of the new faith. Of the great
FIG. 136. School of music and dancing.
temple most interesting views are given in the tombs ;
the most intelligible in connection with the plan (P.A.
xxxvii.) is that in L.D. iii. 94; in side view it is less
clear (L.D. 96) ; and another view abbreviates the long
enclosure (L.D. 102), but shows
the position of the numerous
statues of the king, queen,
and Tyi, the fragments of which
have been found (P.A. 18),,.
Around the town many rock
tablets were engraved, stating
its boundaries. Of these, three
are known on the west bank,
and eleven on the east bank.
They are fully stated in P.A.
5-6 ; but only some of the most
striking have been published,
and those not exhaustively or
correctly (L.D. iii. 91 a-f, no
Rec. xv. 36).
The plaster cast taken from the hea<J of Akhenaten
after his death (P.A. front) was found along with the
granite fragments of the working of his funeral fufni-
FIG. 1 37. Part of ushabti
of Akhenaten.
a, b ; Pr. M. xii.-xiv.
B.C. 1383-1365.] MON UMENTS 223
ture, and the broken and spoiled granite ushabtis
(P. A. 17).
In many collections are examples or portions of the
stone steles with which the palace was profusely
decorated. These steles are always curved and
slightly slanting at the top, and bear the scene of
the king, queen, and daughter, offering, without any
inscription beyond the names and titles. They are
cut in all materials, limestone, alabaster, quartzite,
black granite, red granite, etc. ; and their purpose is
unknown. Such slabs are now in the Ghizeh Museum ;
in the room built over the pavement at Tell el Amarna ;
in the Ashmolean Museum ; Berlin Museum ; Cabinet
des Medailles, Paris ; Lord Amherst's Collection ; and
the Edwards Collection.
Many minor pieces of sculpture, artists* trial pieces,
fragments of sculptures and of vases, etc., are scattered
in the various collections. A large quantity of jar
sealings are to be found in the storehouses at Tell el
Amarna (see Ashmolean Mus.) ; they bear names of
Amenhotep as well as of Akhenaten. A great variety
of glazed pottery finger rings, as well as the moulds
for making them, were also found in the town and
rubbish heaps of the capital (P.A.).
South of the capital there are some rock tablets in
the Hammamat valley ; one by an official Amen'hotep
(G.H. i. 6), and another by an Amen'mes (G.H. i. 8),
both probably early in the reign : a tablet with a scene
has been altered by Sety I., but shows the remains of
the Aten rays (G.H. iii. 5).
At Thebes there certainly was building going on in
the earlier years of the reign, the blocks there having
the youthful figure of Amenhotep IV., and even show-
ing the hawk-headed human figure of the god Harakhti
(L.D. iii. no c ; see also Pr. M. 10-11). This building
was all broken up, and re-used by Tut ankh 'amen and
Horenrheb for other constructions at Karnak ; and
that it was at Thebes is proved by an inscription at
Silsileh recording the making of " great sandstone
obelisks of Horakhti in Apfasut" (L.D. no i).
224
AKHENATEN
[DYN. xvm. 10.
Another monument of importance at Silsileh (E. bank)
is a large rock tablet showing the king* adoring Amen
Ra ; it is, therefore, one of the earliest objects in his
reign (S.B.A. xi. 233).
At Soleb, Akhenaten appears in the usual Egyptian
style, adoring his father Amenhotep III. ; unhappily the
faces are destroyed (L.D. iii. no k). This concludes
the public monuments of the king ; and we now turn to
minor remains.
The most important small work of the reign is the
beautiful and perfect statuette of the seated king in the
Louvre (well figured in
L.D. iii. 295, 44). Beside
the head (B. Mus.), and
the mass of fragments
(Amherst Coll.), from the
temple statues, there is
also a shoulder in lime-
stone (G. Mus.; W.G.
402), a torso with car-
touches in red quartzite
(P.P. Coll.), and other
fragments from the prolific
ground of Tell el Amarna.
The best portraits are7"in
youth, the Karnak head
(L.D. iii. 294, 42) and the
head on the tomb of Ra'mes
at Thebes ; in older life, the head in a group (L.D. iii.
in), and the head of the statuette (L.D. iii. 294, 43);
and, at the end, the very facsimile of the man in his
death mask (P. A. front). The poorer quality of
portraits are found in uncounted instances on tombs
and fragments carved in this reign.
A special class of objects of this king are the tablets
bearing cartouches of the Aten on the face, and those
of the king on the sides. These tablets were sometimes
borne by kneeling statues of the king in adoration
FIG. 138. Head of statuette in
Louvre.
B.C. 1383-1365.] MONUMENTS 225
(P.A. 18, 19) ; and larger ones stood separately as acts
of devotion in the temple (L.T. 1378 ; Rec. xiv. 55).
The tablets are sometimes of limestone, all in one with
the statue ; others are of red granite and of blue glaze.
Of minor objects of this reign there is a great amount
(P.A. xiii. xx.). Rings of pottery are the commonest ;
and rings of gold or of copper are frequent, as much
so as scarabs. Some points indicate that the scarabs
belong to the beginning of the reign ; a large one with
the king supporting the Aten
cartouches gives his name
as Amenhotep, showing it
to be before his 6th year ;
other scarabs name him as
1" be i Ve / A/ ^"'u r be l FIG. i 39 .~Scarabs of Amenhotep
loved of Atmu, "beloved iv.
of Tahuti," "beloved of
Horakhti," " lord of the sweet wind," etc. The rings,
on the contrary, are severely Atenistic. For the letters
found at Tell el Amarna, see the chapter on the
Decline of Egypt in Syria.
PRIVATE MONUMENTS.
The private tombs of this age are numerous, and
afford nearly all the information that we possess for
the periocl. The names of the principal persons are as
follow, with the numbers of their tombs at Tell el
Amarna as officially re-numbered in 1891, and published
in the plan (P.A. xxxv.) The descriptions are from
my own notes.
Aahmes, tomb 3. "True royal scribe, fan-bearer
on right of the king, keeper of the storehouses,
keeper of the palace." Not much sculpture,
some unfinished painting ; statue at end. Figure
of Aahmes and prayer to the Aten (L.D. iii. 98 a;
B.H. 449).
Aniy, tomb 23. Son of Pa'kha. A peculiar tomb in
every way: the inscriptions are of black inlaid in
1115
226 AKHENATEN [DYN. xvm. 10.
white plaster, and the face of Aniy is curious.
He was keeper of the palace to Amenhotep II.,
and scribe of the royal table. Two princesses
are shown (Rec. xv. 43).
Anui, stele from Tell el Amarna. G. Mus. (V.G,
691).
Apiy, tomb 10. Keeper of the palace. Figures of
royal family, three princesses : fine work, no
exaggeration, and heads perfect.
Apuy, tomb at Thebes. Overseer of the offerings of
Amen in Apt. Scenes of Amenhotep IV. ; archi-
tecture in the other scenes of same age. (Name
of Ramessu II. painted on a boat probably
later ; like name of Alexander added on an
amulet in XVII I th dynasty, tomb of Sen'nefer.)
(M.A.F. v. 604.)
Auta, court artist of Tyi (L.D. 100 a). Father Nauy
and brother Kharu were scribes of sculptors ;
wife, Nezenvmen'nefer, sister of Huy (?) (Lb. D.
1168).
Ay, tomb 25. Fan-bearer at right of king, keeper of
the mares, true royal scribe, divine father, after-
wards king Ay ; wife Ty, nurse of the queen.
Largest tomb, of splendid work, but quite un-
finished, no tomb chamber. Five princesses.
Scenes of the royal family and the popul^e
(L.D. iii. 103-106 a ; Rec. xv. 45-9 ; Br. A.).
Three discs of ivory with the above titles and
" sent in the divine feasts" are in Turin (Rec.
iii. 127).
Ay, tomb 7. Same titles, and probably earlier tomb
of same man ; scenes of tribute : royal family,
three princesses and queen's" sister Nezenvmut
(L.D. iii. 107 d-ic>9 J ^ ec - xv - 37)
Bek, " overseer of works in the red mountain for the
pylons, chief of the artists for the very great
monuments of the king in the temple of Aten in
Akhet'aten, son of the chief of the artists Men,
born of Roy in An," adoring the king* and Aten
on a rock tablet, Aswan (M.L i. 40).
B.C. 1383-1365-] PRIVATE MONUMENTS 227
Her'sekheper, tomb 13 ; or Neferkheperirherse'
kheper: prince of Akhet'aten. Interior un-
finished, inscription on door (Rec. xv. 38).
Huy, overseer of merchants, stele Sakkara, wife
Nezenrnefer (M.D. 56, 2).
Huya, tomb i. Scribe of treasuries of Tyi, overseer
of works in the palace. Scenes of visit of Tyi in
1 2th year ; Akeiraten borne on a throne ; views
of temple ; prisoners of Kharu ; two princesses
and Bekt'aten (L.D. iii. 100-102).
Kedet, ushabti with suten du hotep to the Aten for
his sister Ket. Zurich Mus. (S.B.A. vii. 200).
Kha'envuas, tomb, Memphis (Ms. G. 427).
Mahu, tomb 9. Chief of the Mazau (police). Much
fine sculpture ; scenes of king and queen in a
chariot ; of runners capturing a man ; sentry-
houses joined by a rope. One princess. Short
hymn to Aten (M.A.F. i. 16).
May, scribe, offering to Any in tomb 23 (Rec. xv. 45).
Meryneit, keeper of temple, tomb Sakkara, frag-
ments. G. Mus. (M.M. 449). Berlin (B.C. 2070,
p. 199); and see worship of Neit at this time
(P-A. 33).
Nanay, statue, Thebes (B.G.I, i. p. 274).
Nekt'pa'aten, tomb 12. Hereditary prince, seal-
bearer, vizier (?) ; tomb only begun (Rec. xv. 38).
Pa'ari, tomb at Thebes ; priest of Amen ; father,
Shery ; sons, Ptah'mes, User'hat, Amen'hotep.
A hieratic inscription by a priest Atefsenb is dated
in the third year of a king " Ra'neferkheperu,
son of the sun Aten 'iiefer "neferu . . ." Probably
this is an early variant of Akhenaten's name,
which he afterwards transferred to his queen on
his marriage (M.A.F. v. 588).
Pa-aten-envheb, tomb 24. Royal scribe, overseer of
works in Akhet'aten. Chamber only begun
(Rec. xv. 45).
Pa'nehesi, tomb 6. Scenes of royal family adoring:
four princesses ; horses and chariots ; palace
front; etc. Sister, Abneba (L.D. iii. 91 h-p).
228 AKHENATEN tow- xvm> .
Penthu, tomb 5. Scene with fine gateway ; royal
family with three princesses ; long- wide passage
to chamber (L.D. iii. 91 q).
Ptah'mery, tomb at Gizeh. Chief of goldsmiths of
temple of Aten (Ms. G. 304).
Ra'mery, tomb 2. Scenes of king in garden canopy,
queen straining wine into his cup, six prin-
cesses ; dancers and wrestlers ; Lybians, Amorites,
and Syrians kneeling to the king. Mert'aten
married to Ra'smenktrka, whose cartouches
appear as the king in whose reign the tomb
was finished (L.D. 98 b, 99 a, b).
FIG. 140. Group of scribes. Flor. Mus.
Ra'mery, tomb 4. High priest of Aten. Large tomb,
scenes with views of temple with altars of burnt-
offering ; palace and gardens ; royal family with
four princesses ; guard carrying lantern ; blind
harper with blind singers (see W.M.C. Fig. 218)
(L.D. 92-97 d; Pr. A,; C.N. ii. 319): name on
shard (P.A. 33).
Ra'mes, tomb, Thebes, with portraits of the young
Amenhotep IV. and older Akhenaten.
Ra'mes, tomb n. Royal scribe, general, keeper of
palace to Amenhotep III. Scenes of king,
queen, and one princess (M.A.F. i. 9). Ushabti
p.c. 1383-13*5.! PRIVATE MONUMENTS 229
and carnelian serpent head inscribed : with a
dealer at Thebes, 1895.
Rud'ua, tomb o (before tomb i); name over north
corner of door.
Suta, tomb 19. Keeper of the treasury. Long pas-
sage unfinished, nothing on facade.
Suti, tomb 15. Fan-bearer behind the king; hall of
columns begun, lintel and jambs inscribed
(Rec. xv. 42).
Tutu, tomb 8. Anvkhent ; grand tomb, hall of 12
columns, long texts and scenes, but badly
wrecked recently. Scenes of king, queen, and
three princesses. The columns are decorated
with groups of ducks, as in the palace (L.D.
106 b-io7 c ; Rec. xv. 37).
. . . amu, tomb 18 ; born of Pa'aten'ankh ; wide
passage, well cut, end unfinished.
tomb 14. Fan-bearer at the right of the
king, general, keeper of the temple of Ra in
Heliopolis, high priest of Aten, keeper of the
temple of Aten, keeper of all the works of the
king. Scenes of the king, queen, and three
princesses ; five boats, etc., all painted in black
outline. The owner was degraded, and his
name and his figure everywhere erased and
covered with plaster (Rec. xv. 42).
For names of inspectors on ostraka, see P. A. 33.
ROYAL FAMILY.
The marriage of Tadukhipa, daughter of Dushratta,
we have already noticed ; and there can scarcely be a
doubt but that she is the same person as the evidently
foreign queen Nefertiti, who is the only wife ever
represented with Akhenaten, and was mother of all his
children that are known. Her hereditary claim to the
throne, and probably Egyptian descent, has already
been noted. She was married early in the 4th year
of his reign, shortly before his father's death ; at first
she took only the name of Nefertiti (P. A. xiii. 23), while
230
AKHENATEN
[DYN. xvm. io
her husband was known as Amenhotep (IV,). Before
adopting the name Akhenaten, he seems to have occa-
sionally (in 'his 3rd year)
used the name Aten*nefer*
neferu, or " the beautiful
excellency of Aten" (M.A.F.
v. 588), which name he trans-
ferred later to the queen,
who on all the Aten monu-
ments is known as Aten*
neferneferu-nefertiti. She
appears to have had six
daughters, and to have sur-
vived Akhenaten, as she is
shown actively waiting on
him in his last days. From
her age it is likely that she
lived on till Horemheb, or even Sety I.
The best portraits of the queen that are published
FIG. 141. Death cast of
Akhenaten.
FIG. 142. Nefertiti making an offering.
are in the large group (L.D. iii. in), see Fig. 133, and
the stele fragment (P.A. xii. i), see Fig. 142; while
B.C. 1383-13650 ROYAL FAMILY 231
for detail of physiognomy and perfect vitality, nothing 1
can exceed the fragment of a statue (Amherst Coll.;
P. A. i. 15), see Fig*. 117. Other portions of five
statues of hers (or possibly some of Tyi, L.D. iii, 102)
have been found by the Aten temple at Tell el Amarna
(Amherst Coll. P.A. 18).
A building specially belonging" to the queen, in the
palace at Tell el Amarna, was probably her court or
harim.(P.k. xxxvi). The columns were of glazed tile-
work (P.A. 9), the walls painted with scenes (P.A. v.),
and the floors frescoed over with paintings of pools,
birds, cattle, wild plants, and bouquets (P.A. ii. iii. iv.).
In the courtyard of this building was a well, covered
with a canopy on beautifully carved columns, and round
the coping of the wall ran a band of inscription with
the queen's titles (P.A. x.). Many fragments of
sculpture and of vases bear the queen's name ; and
there are rings of hers, one of gold in the Louvre,
others of pottery ; but no scarabs are known, that form
having been early renounced by the king, probably
before his marriage.
Mert-aten, the eldest daughter, is shown on nearly
all her father's monuments, standing behind her parents.
She was born in probably the 4th year of his reign, as
the second daughter was born in the 6th year ; and she
was married to Ra'smenkh'ka, probably just before
Akhenaten's death, as her husband was co-regent with
Akhenaten at the last, and his and her names are found
together in a tomb of which the decoration was in
progress under Akhenaten (L.D. iii. 99 a).
As Akhenaten reigned certainly 17, and probably
18 years, this would make her about 13 when she was
married. Her husband appears to have reigned for
12 years, so that she was only 25 at his death. Rings
with her name are known, but none show the transition
to Amen worship ; from this and the total absence of
scarabs of hers, it seems that she passed into obscurity
before the fall of Atenism.
Makt'aten, the second daughter, died very shortly
before her father ; she appears in a group of six
232
AKHENATEN
[DYN. xvm. 10.
daughters (L.D. iii. 99 b), so she probably died between
her Qth and nth year. Her tomb was a side chamber
in the passage of her father's sepulchre ; and the royal
family are there shown mourning for her.
Ankh's*en*pa*aten, born about the 8th year of her
father's reign, must have been but 10 years old at his
death. After that, therefore in her sister's reign, she
was married to Tufanklraten. After his accession he
revived the Amen worship, and rings of his bear the
double reading A < . > en'khepenrneb ; while later he
was solely named Tut'ankrramen. Her name was
changed to Ankh's*en*amen, " Her life is from
Amen." She was probably only 31 at her husband's
death, and nothing further is known of her. A few
pottery rings with her name are found at Tell el
Amarna, all apparently made at one time, perhaps for
presents on her birthday.
Of the other daughters, Nefernefenraten, Nefer*
neferirra, and Sotep'en'ra, nothing is known beyond
their figures and names on general monuments (L.D.
FIG. 143.- Three princesses, their two nurses, and Nezenrmut.
iii. 99). One of them married the son of Burnaburyas
(see letter 16). The queen's sister, Nezenrmut, who is
shown in one tomb (L.D. iii. 109), 'may be the same
Nezenrmut who was the queen of Hor*enrheb. If she
ac. 1383-1365.] ROYAL FAMILY 233
were about 10 at the queen's marriage, she would have
been about 24 at Akhenaten's death, and 62 at the
death of Hor*enrheb. The difficulty is that his inscrip-
tion implies that he did not marry her till his accession,
when she would be 58. The marriage to a royal high
priestess of Amen was, of course, purely a political
necessity to legitimate the king's position ; but it would
be strange if no younger priestess of the royal line
could be then found. The parentage of Bakt'aten has
been discussed at the end of the last reign.
-Gffl
XVIII. II. ANKH'KHEPERU'
1365-
RA'SMENKH'KA'SER'KHEPERU 1353
Gurob ring- (P.K. xxiii. 21).
Tell el Amarna, name in tomb 2 (L.D. iii. 99 a ; Pr. M.
P- 3)-
,, piece of vase and knob (P-A. xiii. 37, 38).
,, rings (P. A. xv. 92-105).
Queen MERT'ATEN, tomb 2 (above), rings (P. A. xv. 106-7).
Excepting a ring found at Gurob, this king is
solely known from his remains at Tell el Amarna ; yet
he does not seem to have lived there for more than two
or three years after the death of Akhenaten, for in the
great hall of pillars in the palace a heap of wine jars
had accumulated, which bear dates of the 2nd year.
This cannot be Akhenaten's 2nd year ; nor is it likely
to be Tut'ankh'amen's date, as there is but one men-
tion of Ra'smenkh'ka in all the tombs here, showing
that he did not spend much of his twelve years' reign in
the place. It seems, therefore, that he abandoned the
palace in his 3rd year, and may have moved from
there before that. This will account for the rarity of
his monuments, as any at Thebes would be worked up
by Horemheb,
234
ANKH-KHEPERU-RA
[DYN. xvin
In the latest tomb at Tell el Amarna (No. 2), where
Akhenaten has all six daughters figured, the decoration
went on after his death, with the names of Ra'smenktr
ka and Mert'amen. This is the only sculpture giving
the names of this king, and the reading of the personal
name has been uncertain : Lepsius read it Ra*se*aa*ka'
nekht'kheperu (L.D. iii. 99 a); Prisse as Ra'se'hek'ka*
serkheperu, but he shows that it was injured in his
time(Pr.M. p. 3); unhappily it has all been destroyed
in the horrible mutilation which has recently befallen
the tombs here. The rings which bear this name are
now our best authority for it (P. A. xv. 103-105); they
show that Prisse was certainly right as to ser ; but they
FIG. 144. Rings of Ankh'
kheperirra.
FIG. 145. Rings of Anklrkheperirra.
1 . " Beloved of Nefer -kheperu 'ra."
2. " Beloved of Ua'n'ra.
3. Ankh'kheperu'ra (alone).
give a different reading to the aa of Lepsius, or the hek
of Prisse, for they indicate menkh as the sign. *"~
During his residence at Tell el Amarna this king
always claimed his authority from his
predecessor. His rings that belong to
his residence here, being found in the
palace rubbish, all read " beloved of
Nefer 'khepenrra, " * or "beloved of
Ua*n*ra," the names of Akhenaten.
Other rings found in the town bear
only his simple names, belonging pro-
bably to the later part of his reign. A
piece of an alabaster vase, and a green
and violet glazed box handle, also bear his name (P. A.
xiii. 37, 38).
FIG. 146. -Ring of
Merfaten.
B.C. I36S-X3S3']
SMENKH-KA-RA
235
His queen we have already fully noticed under her
father's reign.
XVIII. 12. RA'KHEPERU'NEB
AMEN-TUT-ANKH-HAQ-AN-RES
QHHiD
1353-
1344
B.C.
Memphis
Serapeum, burial of Apis II. (M.S. iii. 2 ; M.S.
Ms. 125).
,, Pottery rings P.P. Coll.
Gurob Alabaster vase P.P. Coll. (P.K. xviii.).
Wooden cubit P.P. Coll. (P.I. xxiv. 12).
,, Rings and pendants (P.K. xxiii.; P.I.
xxiii.).
Tell el Amarna Rings and pendants (P. A. xv.).
Ekhmim Tomb (B.I.E. ii. ser. 6,
87).
Abydos Stele of Khonsu G. Mus. (M.A. 1109).
Karnak 6 blocks in pylon (A.Z. xxii. 41 ;
Pr. M. xi. i).
,, Block usurped by Horemheb (L.D. 119 b).
,, Block and statue (?) (Temple
ofMut).
Thebes Restored temple of Tahut-'j
Inscription on wood HS.B.A. x. 130).
H. P. Coll. J
,, TombofHui (L.D. 115-8).
Scribe's palette with cartouche (C.M. 191, 2).
Knob handles Leyd. M.; G. Coll.; P.P. Coll.
Kohl tubes Leyd. M.; B. Mus. (Rev. A. 1.111.715).
Portrait (L.D. iii. 296).
Queen ANKH*S*EN*ATEN or AMEN.
Alabaster vase P.P. Coll. (P.K. xviii.).
Wooden cubit P.P. Coll. (P.I. xxiv. 12).
Kohl tube (Rev. A. 1.111.715).
Scarabs and rings.
Of this reign we know scarcely anything 1 , except
from the fine tomb of Hui. The paintings on that
show that the princes of the Rutennu in Syria, and of
KHEPERU'NEB-RA
IDYN. xvin. 12.
Kush in the Sudan, were both subject to Egypt, and
brought offerings and tribute. This points to a
continuity of Egyptian power, and shows that what-
FIG. 147. Head of Tuf ankh 'amen.
ever changes had gone on in the fall of Akhenaten's-*
ideals, the vitality of Egypt abroad was not entirely
destroyed.
The main feature of this reign was the reversion to the
worship of Amen.
This is indicated
by the double
reading of a ring
as Amen or Aten
(P. A. xv. 118);
and also by the
FIG. 148. Rings of Tufankh-aracn. king's name, Tuf
1. A fen- Amen, JKa'kheperu'neo. ,*? T
2, 3. Ra'kheperu'neb, Setep'amen'ra. ankn ' amen. In
the long period
assigned to Horos, 36 years in Manetho, which cannot
U.C. I353-I344-1
TUT-ANKH-AMEN
237
be applied to the 17 or 18 years reign of Akhenaten,
we may see perhaps the duration of the Aten worship
under the orthodox name of Horos. This would point
to the occurrence of the change in
this reign.
The claim of Tufanklramen to
the throne was through his wife,
Ankhsenpaaten, altered to Ankhsen-
amen, the daughter of Nefertiti and
Akhenaten ; he may also have been
descended of the royal family, though
the fact that he
calls Amenhotep
III. his father (on
the Barkal lions,
B. Mus. ; Rec. xi.
212) cannot be
taken as proving
a natural relation-
ship.
FIG. 149. Ring of
Ankhsenamen.
FIG. 150. Pendant
of Tutankhamen.
Serapeum.
The monuments of this reign are not wide spread,
for they only appear in the heart of Egypt, from
Memphis to Thebes. At the
Serapeum one Apis was buried
in this reign. The tomb con-
tained four canopic jars, and
some glazed pendants with
the name of the king, "be-
loved son of Hepu" (M.S.
in, pi. 2, p. 8 ; M.S. Ms.
At Gurob some objects of
this reign were found ; pieces
of an alabaster vase, and a
wooden cubit, inscribed for
the king and queen and rings F ^^^S
and pendants also (P.K. xvni. and queen. F.P. Coll.
xxiii. ; P.I. xxiii. xxiv.).
At Tell el Amarna there are no buildings or tombs of
this reign, but the town was not yet deserted, as rings
238 KHEPERU-NEB'RA IDYN. xvm, 12.]
of his are found scattered about. Private remains of a
tomb at Ekhmim, and a stele from Abydos, are known
(B.I.E. ii. ser. 6, 87 ; M.A. 1109).
At Karnak the only remains of buildings are in
blocks re-used by Horemheb in his pylon X. (Pr. M. xi.
i ; W.G. 404 ; and apparently in the same pylon, A.Z.
xxii. 41) ; and a block in the temple of Mut. A large
grey granite statue there is probably of this king
also. On the western bank Tut'ankh'amen restored
a temple of Tahutmes IV. , as we learn from a fragment
of the furniture (H.P. Coll., S.B.A. x. 130). The fine
paintings of the tomb of Hui we have already noticed ;
unhappily they have been largely injured since the
copying by Lepsius (L.D. 115-8).
A few small objects and scarabs, and many rings and
ring moulds, are known. The
best portrait of the king is that
copied by Lepsius (L.D. iii. 296,
49). See Fig. 147.
The queen, Anklrs'en'amen,
was very important, and her name
FIG. 152 -Bronze ring of j s almost as often found as that
utankhamen. Kl. Qf her h usband- Such promin .
ence points to her descent being
more important than that of her husband, owing to her
being the daughter of Nefertiti and Akhenaten. No
children are known.
XVIII. 13. RA'KHEPER'KHEPERU'AR'MAAT
1344-
DIVINE FATHER AY, / T-^NJ I332
NETER-HEQ-UAS (^JJf]||j| B<C<
Tomb Valley of kings' tombs (L.D. ii3a-g).
[B.C. 1344-1332.)
DIVINE FATHER AY
239
Memphis
Gurob
Rings
Rings
F.P. Coll.
P.P. Coll.
(P.K. xxiii. ; P.I.
xxiii.).
(L.D. iii. ii4a-d).
(C.N. ii. 45).
(L.D. iii. ii4.e-h).
Ekhmim Shrine
Karnak Blocks re-used
Shatawi (22 if Shrine of Pasar
N.)
Portrait From tomb (R.S. xv. 63).
Stele of Mhvnekht, 4th year Berlin Mus. (L.D. 1141).
,, ,, Louvre Mus. (P.R. ii.oo;
S.B.A.T. viii. 306).
,, Tutu B. Mus, 130.
Rings, gold, Leyd. Mus. ; pottery, various.
Scarabs.
Queen TV.
Head at Ekhmim shrine (L.D iii. ii4d).
Figure in king's tomb (B.E. 226).
The descent of this king and his queen is unknown ;
FIG. 1 53. Head of Queen Ty.
and we can only presume that one or other were
of royal blood, from their being allowed to take
2 4
RA-KHEPER-KHEPERU-AR'MAAT
CDYN. xvm. 13.
possession of the throne. The queen is called the
" great heiress," which would indicate her royal
descent (L.D, 1130). Ay was not a king's son, but
only calls himself " divine father," a priestly title.
There can be no doubt but that he is the same divine
father Ay, whom we have seen to have the grandest
tomb at Tell el Amarna ; for that tomb being un-
FIG. 154. Ay and Ty, from the great tomb, Tell el Amarna.
finished (as also a yet earlier one of the same man),
there is no evidence against his having made a fresh
tomb in the royal valley at Thebes when he there
attained to power. The Ay of Tell el Amarna had a
wife, Ty, and the same name appears, for the queen of
Ay. Ay had been fan-bearer at the king's right hand,
keeper of the mares, true royal scribe, and divine
B.C. I344-I33M DIVINE FATHER AY 241
father; and Ty, his wife, was " great nurse, nourisher
of the goddess queen, adorner of the king " (L.D. 105 f).
The likeness of this nurse to queen Ty is evident in the
above figures. And Ay the official is also like King Ay.
Ay shows a complete reversion to the older worship.
His first tomb (7 at Tell el Amarna) has three
princesses, and was therefore decorated about the Qth
year of Akhenaten (about 1374 B.C.), so that he can
hardly have been born later than 1400 B.C. His second
tomb (25 at Tell el Amarna) has five princesses, so it
belongs to about the i3th year, and was sumptuously
worked during the last six or eight years of Akhenaten.
These dates would place the working of his third
tomb (Thebes) to as late or later than the 56th to 68th
year of his age. There was thus plenty of time for him
to forget the new faith, for which he had taken so
strong a part in his early days. And in place of the
suppression of the ka formula, as under Akhenaten
(M.D. 56, 2), the figure of the king's ka is put forward
in his tomb (L.D. 113 a). For a portrait from the
tomb see R.S. xv. 63.
The principal monument of this reign is a shrine cut
high up on the face of the cliffs behind Ekhmim. A
grand rock-cut faade with figures and inscriptions,
some twenty feet high, rises above a rock cell or chapel
(L.D. iii. ii4a-d). The tomb of the king in the
western valley at Thebes (L.D. ii3a-c) contains a red
granite sarcophagus, with figures of Isis, Nebhat, Selk,
and Neit at the corners, embracing the block with
their wings (L.D. 113 d, g ; Pr. A.). A re-used block at
Karnak, on the south side of the pylon II., shows
that Ramessu II. destroyed some building of Ay
(C.N. ii. 45).
At Shatawi, a few miles south of Abusimbel, on the
east side, is a rock-cut shrine made by Pa'sar, the
prince of Kush. He there adores Anpu, Sebek,
Usertesen III., and Anuke ; while the king offers
to Amen, Ra, Ptah, Mentu, Hor, and Sati (L.D. iii.
114'e-h).
Of private remains there are two steles of Min'nekht,
n 1 6
242
RA-KHEPER-KHEPERU-AR'MAAT [OYN. xvm. 13.]
who was overseer of works in the temple of Ay, prince,
first prophet of Min and Isis in Apu (Ekhmim), overseer
of storehouses of all the gods in Takahti, and of Min
in Khenti. These steles probably come from Ekhmim.
One stele is in Berlin, dated in 4th year (L.D. iii. 114! ;
S.B.A.T. viii. 312); the other in the Louvre (P.R. ii.
90; S.B.A.T. viii. 306). A stele
of this reign, for Thuthu, royal
scribe, keeper of the palace, is .in
the British Museum (Lb. D. 615).
Of small objects the finest is a
gold ring at Leyden (P.Sc. 1355).
Pottery rings are found at Mem-
phis ; but such are not common,
and the scarabs are even scarcer.
Queen Ty is only shown in the tomb (defaced), and
on the Ekhmim stele (L.D. iii. ii4d). Her earlier
figure (before accession) is at Tell el Amarna (L.D. iii.
105 f). No children are known.
FIG,
' I 55- Scarab of Ay.
F.P. Coll.
XVIII. i 4 .
RA-SER-KHEPERU
(SOTEP'EN'RA)
HOR'EM'HEB
(MER-EN-AMEN)
L!
a
3
1332-
1328
B.C.
AA/WSA /WWVA
Royal tomb unknown.
Memphis Tomb before accession
,, r Apis burials, Serapeum
,, Piece of stele
,, Capital in Cairo
Rings
Gurob Ring-s
74, 75;
ii. 92 ; A.Z. xv.
149; R.E. ii.
104-6).
(M.S. iii. 4, 1-6;
M.S. Ms. 66).
(F.P. Coll.).
(W.G. 409).
(F.P. Coll.).
(P.K. xxiii. ; P.I.
xxiii.).
[B.C. 1332-1328.]
HOR-EM-HEB
243
Tell el Amarna
Abydos
Karnak
Luxor
Deir el Bahri
Medinet Habu
Silsileh
Kom Ombo
Kuban
Gebel Addeh
Fragment in Aten temple
Frog" with queen's name
Pylon X.
Pylon XI.
Connecting- walls of pylons
Avenue of 128 sphinxes
Wall between pylon V. and
sanctuary
Stele
Inscription in temple of
~ ah
(P.A. xi. 5).
(M.A. ii. 40 m).
(C.N. ii. 180).
(L.D. iii. 119 e;
R.A. 64).
(C.N. ii. 180; M.D.
88; B.E. 1 65-6).
(C.N. ii. 174; M.K.
plan).
(C.N. ii. 139).
(A.Z. xxvi. 70).
(M.K. 47 d).
Ptal
Block in pylon of Khonsu (C.N. ii. 217, 221).
temple
Usurped colonnade
Restoration inscription
L.D.
Rock temple, scenes of gods
,, ,, Sudan war
Block re-used by Ptolemies
Lion-headed statue
Rock shrine
Steles (3) as general
Stele
Fragment (from tomb ?)
P. Mus.
L. Mus.
Zizinia Coll.
Vienna
(B.E. 129).
(C.N. i. 574;
iii. H9c).
(L.D. iii. 202 d).
(L.D. iii. H9f, g, h).
(L.D. iii. 120-1).
(P.O.N. 479).
(My. E. 538).
(L.D. i22a-f; plan
in C.M. ii. 5).
(P.R. ii. 57).
(A.Z. xxiii. 80).
(S.B.A. xi. 424).
(S.B.A. xi. 425).
Statues, colossal, M. Habu Berl. M.
,, ,, seated, Luqsor Hotel
,, with queen T. Mus.
,, with Amen T. Mus.
,, with Horus (Castel Cattajo)
Bust from kneeling statue F. Mus.
Hathor cow suckling king F. Mus.
Portraits, best, from statue
,, ,, from pylon
Ostrakon, 2ist year
B. Mus.
Papyrus, 6 lines broken G. Mus.
Wooden vase
(L.D. iii. 112 c).
(W.G. 411).
(L.T. 1379; R.S.
xliv.5,A.;T.S.B.A.
iii. 486).
(C.F.E. pi. 85).
(W.G. 411).
(S. Cat. F. 1507).
(S. Gat. F. 1225).
(L.D. iii. ii2c).
(L.D. iii. 112 a ;
R.A. 64).
(B.I.H.D. 14; B.H.
(W.G. 412).
244
RA'SER-KHEPERU
IDYN. xvin. 14.
Bronze plaque P. Mus. (P.L. p. 108).
Rings, amulets, and scarabs (W.M.C. ii.
etc. etc.).
Queen NEZEM'MUT.
Statue with king T. Mus. (L.T. 1379*'.
xliv. 5, A' \
Rings (P.P. Coll.) ; scarab (Berl. M.). / At ''
g
The first question that arises in this r
the king is the same person as the generafj Horemheb
the portions of whose tomb from Sakka a are SQ we jj
known. This tomb belonged to an , J official whose
dignities closely correspond ^ to thcj se which ki
Horemheb states that he exercised bef ore his access i on *
Not only is there a wide claim try having . been only
second to the king m all respect^ b both the ^
and the hereafter king, but ' the predse po ^ sitions
occupied by each are-.gractica1|y exclusive of any other
such official. We read~*m the statue at Turin about
the king, and on other monuments about the general as
follows :
KING.
King Horemheb before acces-
sion had been
(6) Appointed to fix laws ;
(6) Alone without a second ;
(7) He satisfied the king about
quarrels in the palace ;
(9) Governed Egypt for many
years ;
(n) As chief and heir of the
whole land.
GENERAL.
the general Horemheb was
chosen to regulate both lands,
hearer of trials alone (M.D.
74);
sole companion, chief above the
chiefs, great above the great
(M.D. 74);
keeper'of the palace (M.D. 74) ;
judge in the palace, chief of
secrets of the palace, fan-
bearer of the king (R.E. ii.
104-6) ;
prince in the land to its limits
(8.1.11.92);
chief general, great chief of the
people, heir (M.D. 74).
B.C. I332-I328.]
HOR-EM-HEB
When we further see that the " many years " of king
Horemheb must extend through the reign of Ay, and
perhaps back into that of
Tufankh'amen ; while the
general's monuments begin
at the end of the Aten
period, which was under
Tutankhamen, and go on
into the full polytheism
which succeeded that, it is
evident that these two great
viceroys were contempor-
ary. Is it possible, then, to
suppose that two different
persons of the same name
wielded the same unique
powers over the whole
country, at the same period?
I think not. Horemheb the
FIG. 156. Head of Horemheb.
general must, in face of such statements, be the same
as Horemheb the hereafter king, and as such we treat
him here.
A discrepancy exists between Manetho and the
monuments in the chronology of the reign. We have
seen how in previous reigns the years, and even the
months, stated by Manetho fit together with the
monumental record, showing scarcely any signs of
error ; and we should therefore try all hypotheses
before resorting to the rejection of the historian's state-
ments. In Manetho, summarised by Africanus, we find
5 years, in the more detailed copy by Josephus, 4 years
i month, a slight difference, due, perhaps, to the
treatment of odd months in other reigns. But, beside
monumental dates of the ist and 3rd years on important
work, we find on one ostrakon the 7th and 2ist years
are named. In judging between the Short reign of
5 years and the. long one of 21 years there are a few
external points. It is true that two Apis burials
probably belong to this reign ; but one of these was
added by cutting a side chamber in the tomb of
246 RA-SER'KHEPERU tw. mn. 14.
the other, and finishing it before the plastering and
decoration of the outer tomb. The junction of the
tombs points to one burial closely following on the
other ; and the decorating of the first tomb appears not
to have been done till the second was used. The name
of Horemheb is only found in the ruins of the chapel
over the first tomb. Certainly the conditions do not
impose a long reign on the history : for the second Apis
seems to have been buried in an emergency, soon after
the first, yet not necessarily in the same reign.
Looking to the future, the reign of Ramessu II. is tied
by the Sirius festival of Merenptah ; but we might
shorten the reign of Sety to make room for 21 years
for Horemheb ; yet if we did so, the relation of the era
of Menophres to Men*peh*ra would be certainly thrown
out.
There is one solution of the discrepancy which seems
quite possible. If Horemheb dated his monuments
from his accession for the first few years ; and then, on
his finally destroying the Aten worship, if he dated back
his reign from the time of Amen being re-established
under Tut *ankh 'amen, we should have a solution.
That Horemheb had helped to re-establish Amen
appears very likely ; but that he did not abolish the
Aten until some way on in his reign, is shown by his
name being carved in the Aten temple when not yst
destroyed at Tell el Amarna. We conclude, then, that
the i st and 3rd years are dated from the accession to
sole power, but that, on final abolition of the Aten
worship, Horemheb glorified himself by dating back
throughout his viceregal period to the time when he
had come into favour as the restorer of Amen. The
ostrakon dated in the 2ist year, and referring to the
7th year, would then be of the 5th year of his sole reign,
and refer back to the 3rd year of Ay, reckoned as the
7th of HoremKeb. This is the best result yet attain-
able.
The earliest monument of Horemheb is a stele at
Leyden (A.Z. xxiii, 80), where he is figured in the style
B.C. 1334-1328.] HOR'EM-HEB 247
of Akhenaten, adoring the god Horakhti. He was
already " great general." This may well be towards
the middle of the reign of Tut'anklramen, say 13506.0.;
and if the " great general " was then 40, he would have
been born about 1390. Next come three steles in
Paris, where he adores the gods of Abydos, Up'uat,
Anpu, and Hathor ; he is called royal scribe and
general (P.R. ii. 57). Next he began the decoration of
his tomb at Memphis, and a stele (B.M. 551) bears a
hymn to Turn Horakhti, born of Hathor, son of Ptah,
and names Tahuti, Maat, Osiris, and Horus (A.Z. xv.
149).
The door jambs show him bearing the royal uraeus
(a sign of the supreme judge), and name him as " Heir,
chancellor, sole companion, chief over the chiefs, great
over the great ones, hearer of trials alone, keeper of
the palace, great general, overseer of the prophets
of Horus, follower of the king, royal scribe, great
prince of the rekhitu, sent by the king at the head of
his soldiers against the lands of the south and north,
he whom the king has chosen to regulate both lands,
general of the generals of the king, he who makes joy
in the whole land, chief of the secrets of the palace,
acting alone, treasurer of the royal guard, companion
of his master on the field of battle that day he over-
threw the Sati " (M.D. 74-5).
Somewhat later may be the other parts of the tomb,
in which he is further entitled " Judge of the palace,
and fan-bearer at the king's right hand" (R.E. ii.
104-6). While later still the door jambs (B. Mus.) add
that he was " prince in the entire land, scribe of the
recruits, overseer of works in the mountains of quarry-
ing abundantly for the king in both lands " (S.I. ii. 92).
Thus all military, judicial, courtly, religious, and
business power had gradually come intQ the hands of
this great noble during the feeble reign of Ay. The
general cannot have been very strong at the beginning
of Ay's reign, or the " divine father" would never have
reached the throne. It seems as if there had been a
great outburst of Amen worship at the close of Tut*
248 RA-SER'KHEPERU [DYN. xvm. x 4 .
ankh'amen's reign, and a religious representative stood
firmest in the kingdom ; while real power steadily
accumulated in the strong hands of the general who
became viceroy.
A most valuable picture of his rise is given in his
autobiography after his accession. On the granite
group of him and Nezenrmut at Turin we read that
"Amen king of the gods dandled him, and Horus was
his protection like amulets on his body ; when he came
forth from the womb he was enveloped in reverence,
the aspect of a god was upon him ; the arm was bowed
to him as a child, and great and small did obeisance
before him. When he was a youth and unlearned, the
form of a god was in his aspect, in beholding his figure
one was strengthened. His father Horus stood behind
him, forming and protecting him . . . knowing the
day of his peace to give to him his kingdom.
Behold this god advanced his son in the face of all
people, he made wide his way until the day came when
he should receive his office, until in his time the heart
of the king was satisfied with his matters, rejoicing in
his choice. He placed him at the head of the land to
secure the laws of the two lands, as Heir of the whole
land. He was alone without a rival, and the ways of the
people were according to his command. He was called
before the king, for if there were a quarrel in the pal-ace
he opened his mouth and answered and satisfied the
king with his speech. All his ways were regulated
even as the pace of an ibis, his wisdom was that of the
lord (Tahuti) of Hesart (Eshmunen), rejoicing in truth
like Khenty, pleased of heart therewith like Ptah.
" Behold he was governing both lands for many years,
the controllers reported to him in obeisance at the gates
of the palace, the chiefs of the foreigners (nine bows)
both south and north came- before him with their arms
stretched out, they adored his face like a god. What was
done, was done by his command ; his reverence was
great before the people, and they prayed for him wealth
and health (part of the royal ascription). He was truly
the father of both lands, with the perfect wisdom of the
HOR-EM-HEB
249
divine gift to secure the laws. Years passed over these
things while the heir of Horus was as chief and heir of
the entire land.
"Behold this noble god Horus, lord of Hat-suten,
desired In his heart to establish his son upon his throne
of eternity. Horus proceeded in rejoicing to Thebes,
the city of the eternal lord, with his son in his embrace,
even to Karnak, until he came into the presence of
FIG. 157. -Negroes and Asiatics adoring the king.
Amen in order to give to him his office as king, to make
his length of days. Behold Amen appeared in his noble
feast in southern Thebes ; and when he saw the majesty
of this god, even Horus of Hat-suten an/1 his son with
him, in the royal entry, to give him his office and his
throne, then behold Amen'ra met him in rejoicing. In
the day of giving his satisfaction then he conveyed him-
self to this chief heir and prince of both lands Horem-
heb ; he went to the house of the king, going before
250 RA-SER-KHEPERU CDYN. xvin. 14-
him to the palace of his great and noble daughter.
She made obeisance, she embraced his beauties, she
placed herself before him, and all the gods rejoiced at
his appearing."
From this account it would seem that Horemheb was
not married to Nezenrmut until his accession, when he
legalised his position by becoming husband of the high
priestess of Amen, as in the arrange-
ment under the later dynasties (M. A. F.
i 74^-764). This marriage was an
il i i affair of politics solely, considering
w 11 the age of the parties ; Horemheb
i I An was probably between fifty and sixty
\\i +Jr at the time, and if the queen Nezenv
mut was the same as Nefertiti's sister
FIG. 158. Ring of Nezenrmut, she must have been of
Nezenrmut. t.P. , ,1 TT ti_
Coll. about the same age as Horemheb.
No children are known of this marriage
to contradict such a supposition.
Much confusion has arisen in modern works from a
false identification of Horemheb with Horus of Man-
etho ; even to the present time Horemheb is often
called Horus, whereas it is clear from the lists that
Horus is Akhenaten, or the duration of Atenism, while
Horemheb is named as Armais. The confused account
of classical authors about Sesostris leaving Armais -HI
charge of the kingdom cannot refer to the king Horem-
heb, but probably to some other prince of this name.
It is possible that the eldest son of Sety I. was called
Horemheb (S.B.A. xii. 258; L.D. iii. 128 a); but the
general Horemheb of the Memphite tomb cannot be as
late as Sety by the style of his work*
Of the reign of Horemheb we know very little. By
an inscription of the first year, Khoiak 22, we learn of
his attention to the worship of Ptah (M. K. 47 d, in
temple M.K. plan G). And in his third year the tomb
of Neferhotep is dated (D.H. xl. e). But there is no
evidence that his wars in the south and conquest in the
Sudan, or his war with the Ha'nebu in the north, was
during his brief reign. Such activities would be more
B.C. 1332-1328.1 HOR-EM -HEB 251
in place during his earlier life, and he may well have
executed these monuments to record the triumphs of
his generalship. The only later
dates are on an ostrakon, on which
a man petitions about the tomb of
Hai his father, saying that it was
granted in the yth year of Hor-
emheb, and now in the 2ist year
no king named he received title- FIG. 159. Scarab of
deeds of it. There is no proof that Horemheb. "Found-
the 2ist year might not refer to Amen^ F e p P Coll f
Sety's reign ; but, as we have
noticed, it is quite possible that, after Horemheb
abolished Aten worship, he dated his reign from his
generalship. That the Aten worship, though dis-
placed from its pre-eminence under Tut *anklr amen,
was not abolished, appears from Horemheb's name
being carved on the Aten temple at Tell el Amarna
(P. A. xi. 5), and the expression " Ra, his body is Aten"
remaining in the 3rd year of this king (M.A.F. v. 499);
but soon Horemheb swept away all trace of it, carrying
away even the foundations of Akhenaten's work, and
also re-using the buildings of Tut *ankh 'amen and of Ay
in his pylons at Thebes.
The great work of his reign appears to have been to
regulate the country. Having come to the throne
through the power of the soldiery, he found it needful
to check that power and prevent the abuses of it which
were only too certain in a military rule. A long inscrip-
tion at Karnak might be entitled "The Justice of the
King," being occupied with tales of his decisions
against the plundering by the soldiers ; set up much like
a list of convictions by a railway company. We can only
give an outline of the lengthy story : the first tale is of
a poor man who made a boat and sail to follow the
king, probably a sutler of the court-camp ; he was
robbed of his goods because he could not pay the
duties. The king decided that anyone who oppressed
a poor man * * who pays taxes to the breweries and
kitchens of the king by the two agents of the soldiers,"
252 RA-SER-KHEPERU [DYN. xvm. 14.
should be punished by cutting off his nose and sending
him to Zaru. This banishment to the eastern frontier
is like the later mutilation of the nose and exiling to
Rhinocolura, mentioned by Pliny and Diodorus. Also
if a wood-seller had his boat plundered, the penalty
should be the same on the thieves. The servants of the
palace, when making requisition for the king, shall not
take more for themselves. The two divisions of the
soldiers, south and north, were incessantly plundering,
and even took the skins or hides which were already
stamped by the State for payment in kind. The
collectors of the skins had this complaint made to
them. Each soldier who after that date should go
about plundering the skins, shall receive 100 blows so
that five wounds are opened, and have the skins taken
from him. These abuses had been inquired into under
Tahutmes III., who went up and down the river ex-
amining them. But fraud had come even into the
inspection, "and the officers put in charge also went to
the officials, saying, Give us the profit of the fraudulent
inspection." So now Horemheb himself goes on
inspection on the feast of Apt (Rec. vi. 49; A.Z.
xx vi. 70).
This account shows how bitterly the country was
paying the price of its foreign conquests, in its oppres-
sion by a standing army. No form of tyranny in the
East is so bad as that of an undisciplined army, as
soldiers ravage over a whole country, and have not
even the discretion which a local oppressor or robber
has, to avoid destroying his future supplies.
Of the end of Horemheb we know nothing ; but,
considering his age, he may well have died a natural
death.
At Memphis were the remains of his private tomb,
and the buriafs of two Apis bulls in the Serapeum
already noticed. A capital in the Derb el Gamamiz in
Cairo probably came from here (W.G. 409), as also a
piece of an inscription dated in year 5 + x (P.P. Coll.),
and many green glazed finger rings.
B.C, 1332-1328.] MONUMENTS
253
At Gurob many rings of his were found (P.K. xxiii.;
P.I. xxiii.) : there were none, however, at Tell el
Amarna, showing that the town was deserted, although
the Aten temple was inscribed under this reign. From
Abydos comes a frog with the queen's name (M.A.
ii. 40 m).
At Karnak two great pylons belong to this king, as
also the connecting walls at the sides of them. The
pylons (X. and XI. of Baedeker) were built out of the
blocks of a temple of Akhenaten (B.E. 165) and Tut-
FIG. 160.- Headof Horemheb.
ankhamen which stood here (Rec. vi. 53) ; pylon XL
has a magnificent doorway of red granite, sculptured
with four scenes on each side of the door, and on both
faces of the pylon, but the S.E. corner is now destroyed
(L.D. 119 e ; R.A. 64) ; pylon X. has Jiad the doorway
renewed by Ramessu II. (M.K. plan), and was re-
inscribed by that king (C.N. ii. 180). On the E. wall
joining the pylons are the figures of the chiefs of Punt
(figures M.D. 88, inscription B. Rec. 57), and the
captives of the Ha-nebu and Khita conquered by
HOR-EM-HEB
[DYN. xvm. 14.
Horemheb (S.B.A. xi. 423). On the W. wall of the
court is figured the sacred bark of Amen (B.E.
165-6).
Before the pylons there stretched an avenue of 128
sphinxes, to the temple of Mut. These sphinxes are
described as being the finest at Thebes ; the form is a
lion's body with a ram's head (C.N. ii. 174). A wall
was built also between pylon V. and the granite
sanctuary (C.N. ii. 139). The great stele of the king's
justice at Karnak, about 16 feet high and 10 feet wide,
we have already described.
At Luqsor, Horemheb placed his name on the grand
columns of Amenhotep III. in the colonnade before his
temple (B.E. 129). At Deir el Bahri he claimed to
have restored the monuments of Tahutmes III.,
" father of his fathers " ; and it really seems not unlikely
that the recarving and painting of the scenes erased by
Tahutmes III. might have been due to this king ; his
fervour for Amen would account for such care: also
Punt had come forward into notice again in this reign,
and the re-working is too good
for anything of the XlXth
dynasty (C.N. i. 574). At
Medinet Habu he also claims
restorations, in a line of in-
scription on either side of tire
main entrance at the N. end of
court M (L.D. iii. 202 d).
At Silsileh the large rock
temple cut in the western cliff is
specially devoted to scenes of the
negro war. -The soft sandstone
is not adapted for fine work, and
the execution is but poor com-
pared with earlier carving. There
is some good natural posing,
however, in the figures and ex-
pressions of th'e negroes (L.D. iii.
119-121). At Kom Ombo a block of this king was
re-used by the Ptolemies (P.O.N. 479). And at Kuban
FIG. z6x. Negroes, Silsileh
temple.
B,C. 1332-1328.] MONUMENTS 355
in Nubia a lion-headed statue of this reign is said to
have been seen (My. E. 538). A rock shrine at Gebel
Addeh is an important work, but appears to be purely
religious, and not to contain any reference to the
Nubian war. This makes it the more likely that the war
was past and over before Horemheb came to the throne,
and that it was only brought forward as the great event
of his life on the Silsileh temple, and not as an action
of the time of the sculpture.
Of statues there are admirable examples. The upper
part of a colossal figure from Medinet Habu (Berlin M.)
is very fine (L.D. iii. 112 c) ; as also the group in white
limestone of Amen and the king (T. Mus.). The group
with the queen in syenite is valuable for the long in-
scription which we have quoted (T. Mus.). A colossal
figure at the Luxor Hotel, and a group with Horus at
Battaglia (in Castel Cattajo), are only mentioned by
Wiedemann (W.G. 411). The bust in red basalt (?) at
Florence evidently came from a kneeling statue leaning
forward making an offering ; but the face is not much
like Horemheb, and there is nothing to show the name
(S. Cat. F. 1507). The hinder half of a Hathor cow
suckling the king, in red granite, is of rude work (Flor.
Mus.; S. Cat. F. 1225). The best portrait published in
the round is from the Berlin statue (L.D. iii. 112 c), and
on the flat from the pylon (L.D. iii. 112 a, and another
photographed in R.A. 64). The small objects of this
reign do not need any particular notice. A fine gold
ring in Leyden bears the Hornub and vulture and
uraeus names of the king. Scarabs, plaques, and
rings are all usual.
PRIVATE MONUMENTS.
There are not many private remains of this time, and
this accords with the shortness of the reign.
Amen'em'apt, overseer of the palace and of the gran-
aries of south and north, has left a wooden
256 HOR-EM-HEB [DYM. XVKI. 14.]
cubit, bearing long inscriptions (Lepsius, Elle.
No. i).
Ifor'em'heb'pa'hor'ur, priest of Amen, is on a stele at
Leyden (Lb. D. 619).
Khonsu'hotep) priest of the nub'kau of the palace.
Coffins and mummy at Leyden (Lb. D. 616).
Ncfer'hotep, divine father of Amen. Tomb at Qurneh,
N.E. of the tomb of Sen'envaah. Dated in
3rd year of Horemheb ; Aten not yet proscribed,
the formula " Ra his body is Aten " being used.
Published in M.A. F. v. 489, also in D.H. 4040 e,
portions in B.R. 37, and song of the harper in
A.Z, xi. 58, 73; M.E.E. i. 130, 162; R.P.
vi. 129. Patterns of the coloured ceiling in
Pr. A.
Penbui offers to several kings down to Sety I., includ-
ing Horemheb ; T. Mus. (Rec. ii. 178).
y royal scribe, overseer of the palace of Horemheb
and of the temple of Amen. Tomb, Thebes,
C.N. 544, 853. Whole scene, W.M.C. iii.
pL 68; portions, C.M. 177-8; R.C. 128-9;
Pr. A.
The queen Nezenrmut we have already noticed.
There are not many remains of her of any kind. ^The
sister of Nefertiti is figured in the tomb of Ay (No. 7)
at Tell el Amarna (L.D. iii. 109), and is probably the
same as the future queen. A statue of hers with the
king is at Turin, but not published in drawing. The
figure of the queen as a female sphinx, on the side of
this group, is given by Rosellini (R.S. xliv., quin. A).
One scarab is known (Berl. Mus.), and one ring (P.P.
Coll.); and a^frog with her name was found at Abydos
(G. Mus.; M.%. ii. 40 m).
We may here notice some kings who have been attri-
buted to the close of this dynasty.
UNPLACED KINGS 357
TETA appears as Teta*mer*en*ptah, adored by Amen'
uah'su, on a naos at Marseille. The figure of the
king is placed in a triangle, which is suggestive of a
pyramid (as men'nefer is written with the same triangle
on this naos), and of the king being considered to be
in a pyramid. Rather than suppose a new king at this
period, we should see in this the worship of a pyramid
king, Teta of the Vlth dynasty (A.Z. xvi. 69). The
same king appears to be indicated on a stele from the
Serapeum (M.S. iii. 6), which has given rise to discus-
sion. The cartouche is so rudely carved that it was
read as "Akhenaten" at first, but afterwards as
" Se'ra'Teta." If this be the correct reading, which
is not certain, it need only imply that May, who set up
the stele (in XVIII.-XIX. dyn.), was devoted to Teta
(of VI. dyn.), and figured the king as making an
offering from him to the gods. Such figures of kings
making the hotep'suten for private persons are often
seen on steles (see M.A. ii. 41, 47, 48, 51, 52). What
points to this is that Se'ra'Teta is all in one cartouche,
and this writing of the title along with the name does
occur on the Vlth dynasty monuments of Teta, but is
rare otherwise ; hence it seems that the old usage was
copied from an early sculpture of this king. The
scarabs that have been attributed to Teta are certainly
not of this king.
NEPER* AY was read on an hieratic ostrakon in the
Louvre, but it is much effaced and not certain in the
reading (Dev. Cat. MSS. p. 202). Possibly it may be
some variant of the divine father Ay.
Other names have been brought forward, but none
stand on certain ground. Ra'en'tuy or Khutany may
possibly be a name, or some connective between the
names of Ramessu I. and Sety I. on either side of
it (M.A. ii. 17). Ra'user'kheper is a mistake for Ra*
kheper-kheperu, Ay. Mer-kheper'ptah is an error for
Merneb'ptah (tale of Setna), and this is perhaps a
Ptolemaic bungle for Maat'neb*ra'mer*ptah, Amen-
hotep III, Rahotep is already placed about the XVIth
dynasty; see vol. i. p. 246. Ra'pe'am is an error for
1117
258 UNPLACED KINGS
Horemheb. Ra*user"maat*ra*neb*maat is probably a
combination of Ramessu V. and VI. Ses or Sesu
appears to be a variant name of Ramessu II. Thus
the various reputed kings which are not in the regular
lists are not of historical substance, but are only
linguistic questions.
DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA 259
THE DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
FOR the age of the decline, when the great conquests
of Tahutmes I. were all gradually lost, we possess a
store of information in the cuneiform correspondence
found at Tell el Amarna. The tablets were all de-
posited in "The place of the records of the palace of
the king," as it is called ; and thence, a few years ago,
they were dug out by natives, contemptuously neglected
by the authorities to whom they were shown, and only
a part of them at last saved, in a much injured condi-
tion, when their value became recognised. They were
scattered among various public and private collections,
and copies and translations have been issued in many
different forms and places. No attempt has yet been
made to combine them into a consecutive history ; but,
after making abstracts of them all, and comparing
them, tabulating all the proper names (over 250), and
arranging the sequence of them, it appears that we
may construct some provisional narrative from them.
They fall into three main classes: (i) Those of the
age of full Egyptian power, when troubles were only
casual, principally the correspondence of the northern
kings in alliance with Egypt. (2) Those recording the
loss of northern Syria, the main correspondent being
Ribaddu. (3) Those referring to Palestine, the back-
bone of which is the set of Ebed-tob's letters. In the
present account an abstract is given &f each letter,
containing all the proper names, relationships, presents,
and political details. The letters are arranged as
nearly in order of time as may be ; but where earlier
letters only throw light on the individual, and not on
previous events, they are grouped with regard to the
260 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
person. The later translations have generally been
preferred to the earlier ; but even now some uncer-
tainty may rest on many of the versions here given.
The variable spelling of names is here purposely left as
translated ; in some cases it is due to variation in the
cuneiform, and where due to translators it may show
uncertainty in the reading. When we see such variable
spellings of the well-known name of Amenhotep III.
Nimutriya, Nipmuaria, Nimmuriya, Mimmuriya in
cuneiform, it is obvious that less important names of
obscure persons and places may easily vary, and have
no very precise authority.
The sources are indicated thus: R.P. xiii.-xviii.,
" Records of the Past," series ii. vols. i.-vi. S.B.A.,
" Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology."
M. A. F. , * * Mission Arche"ologique Fransaise, " B. O. D. ,
Bezold, " Oriental Diplomacy," and "The Tell el
Amarna Tablets," same numbers. P. A., Petrie, "Tell
el Amarna." In some cases there are discrepancies
between these sources and the following abstracts,
owing to my taking advantage of a revision which
Professor Sayce has been kind enough to make.
POSITIONS OF THE PRINCIPAL PERSONAGES NAMED.
Abdisullim, gov. of Razor Ebed-tob, gov. of Jerusalem
Abisharri ) r T Kallimmasin, king of Babylonia
or Abimelekh } ov - ot lyre Khaip (after Ribaddu), gov. of
Aitugama, gov. of Qedesh Simyra
Akizzi, gov. of Qatna Khayapa, commissioner
Ammunira, gov. of Beyrut Labai, gov. (?) inland of Joppa
Arzawiya, gov. of Giscala Ribaddu, gov of Simyra and
Aziru, gov. of Amorites GuBla
Beya, gov. of Rabbah Tiuyatti, gov. of Lapana
Bikhura ) n rv t ~.IA\ Yankhamu, gov. of Yarimuta
or Pakhura \ ov ' of Kumidl Yapakhi, gov. of Gezer
Btridiyi, gov. of $iegiddo Yidya, gov. of Askelon
Buaddu, gov. of Urza ( Yerza ?) Zimrida, gov. of Zidon and (?)
Burnaburyas, king of Babylonia Lachish
Dushratta, king of Mitani Zitatna - ) f Akfc
Ebed-asherah, father of Aziru, or Sutatna { gov * ot AKKo
Abdimilki, Abdirama, Iddin-
adda, and Salmasalla
SYNOPSIS
SYNOPSIS OF CORRESPONDENCE.
First Section.
Dushratta on alliances 4-12
Kallimmasin and Burna-
buryas . . . 13-18
Alasiya, commercial . 20-26
Details of governors . 28-39
Second Section.
Troubles with Khatti . 40-41
Troubles near Akko . 42-49
Aziru acting for Egypt 50-54
Ribaddu in peace . 55~58
Ribaddu in trouble at
Simyra . . . 59-72
Abisharri attacked . 75~79
Aziru protesting fidelity 80-84
Simyra fallen . . 85
Tunip in extremity . 86
Tyre in extremity . 87
Ribaddu attacked at
Gubla ... 88, 89
Aziru's and Abdashirta's
excuses . . . 90, 94
LETTERS
Ribaddu in Gubla . 91-93
Ribaddu appeals . . 95-96
Ribaddu in extremity . 97-102
Ribaddu flees to Beyrut 103-105
Abdashirta's excuses . 106
Beyrut fallen . . 108
Ribaddu's last letter . 109
Third Section.
Ebed tob and Labai in
trouble . . . 110-114
Towns by Tiberias fallen 1 1 6
Troubles in Judea . 119-123
Labai against Egypt . 124-126
AkizzitoAmenhotepIV. 127-128
Loss of Megiddo . . 129-132
Raid E. of Tyre . . 133
Troubles in Judea . 134
LossofGezer . . 135-137
Labai's excuses . . 138-139
Milkili and Suyardata . 140-147
Ebed-tob's last letter . 148
Unplaced . . . 149-173
One of the earliest letters is from a king, who
appears by his name to be a Hittite.
I.
TARKHUNDARAUS to NIMUTRIYA. T. sends
Irsappa for a daughter of N. ; and sends a
shuka of gold, and will send a chariot, etc.
Prince of Khatti on mountains of Igaid (Igaidai
of the Mohar) sends a shuka weighing 20
manahs, 3 kak of ivory, 3 kak of pirkar, 3 kak
of khussi, 8 kak of kusittiu, Ibo kak of lead
... 5 kukupu stones . . . 10 thrones of usti
wood ... 2 usu trees. (S.B.A. xi. 336.)
The language of this tablet is unknown. It relates
to one of the many marriages between the royal
262 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
families, which were always accompanied with a con-
siderable equivalent of valuables.
Two other glimpses of the friendly relations of the
Khatti or Hittites during the age of Egyptian supremacy
also remain in the following letters :
2.1 ... AU to king of Egypt. When messengers
went to the Khatti, Z. alone sent presents ;
and now he sends 8 slaves, and asks for gold
in return. (S.B.A. xiii. 132.)
III.
King of KHATTI ? to KHURI (short for Nipkhuriya,
Amenhotep IV.). Asks for an alliance, as
between their fathers. Sends a bibru of silver
5 minas, another 3 minas, 2 gaggaru of silver
10 minas, and 2 great ...
(S.B.A. xiii. 549.)
From this we see that the treaty of Ramessu II. with
the Khita was only the last of a long series of compacts,
which began at least as early as Amenhotep III. -^
The most important letters showing the family rela-
tionships are those of Dushratta, king of Mitanni.
IV.
DUSHRATTA to NIPMUARIA. D. greets Gilukhipa
his sister. Soon after his accession, Pirkhi
attacked his land and people ; but D. repulsed
him, and slew D.'s brother Artash*shumara,
whom P. supported. D. notifies V N. of this,
as N. was friends with D. J s father, who gave
him D.'s sister. Artash'shumara raised the
Khatti, and brought them into D.'s land, but
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 263
D.'s god Raman gave them into his hand.
D. sends a chariot, 2 horses, a lad, and a girl,
of the booty of the Khatti. Also 5 cars and
trappings. Also to D.'s sister Gilukhipa a
tutinatum of gold, an anzabatum of gold, a
mash-hu of gold, and ajar of oil. Sends Gilia
a messenger and Tunip'ipri. Let N. return
them soon. (S.B.A. xv. 120.)
Here there is the usual oriental tale of a rivalry
between two brothers for the throne ; one supported by
a foreign prince, as an excuse for invasion.
V.
DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. N. sent Mani to
ask for daughter of D. to be mistress of
Egypt. Giliya, D.'s messenger, reported
words of N. which rejoiced D. And D. asks
much gold, as N. sent to his father Sutarna a
dish, cup, and brick of solid gold. D. sends
Giliya, and a present of a gold goblet set with
crystals ; a necklace of 20 crystal beads and
19 of gold, in middle a crystal cased in gold ;
a necklace of 42 khulalu stones, and 40 gold
beads ; and an amulet of khulalu stone in
gold, 10 pairs of horses, 10 chariots of wood,
and 30 eunuchs. (R.P. xv. 84.)
Here Dushratta is sending grand presents, besides
being willing to give up a daughter to Egypt. This
points to his being a tributary, and not entirely inde-
pendent. Amenhotep III. sends an envoy to negotiate
for a princess to be the "mistress of Egypt," and this
was not for himself, but for his son, as the later letters
show. To Dushratta's letter above, Amenhotep replied
by accepting the present, and sending again to fetch
the princess. His request is acknowledged in the next
letter, while the princess was preparing for the journey.
264 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
VI.
DUSHRATTA to MIMMURIYA. Mani, A.'s mes-
senger, has come to fetch a wife from D. to be
the mistress of Egypt. Land of Khani-rabbat,
and land of Egypt . . . [Giliya, D.'s mes-
senger, will be sent in 6th month with Mani,
A/s messenger. Dowry will be sent. Much
gold asked for. (S.B.A. xiii. 552.) Or [After
6 months Giliya and Mani were now sent with
the queen. Nakharamassi sent by D. with
letter. D. asks for much gold; has sent a
spear of wood, an isizzu of Aleppo stone, and
a khulal stone set in gold. (R.P. xv. 74.)
In the next letter Dushratta calls himself father-in-
law to Amenhotep III., referring to some previous
marriage, and not to the one just negotiated, as the
last was of Amenhotep IV., as shown by letters IX.
X. and XI. The position of the letter is indicated by
Nakhramassi being sent.
VII.
DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. D. is father-in-law
to N. May Istar bless N. Mani the mes-
senger and Khani, dragoman of N., have
brought presents. Nakhramassi is now sent
by D. with a necklace of crystal and alabaster
and some gold. (R.P. xv. 73.)
VIII. .
DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. D. greets Tadu-
khipa his daughter, and Nimmuriya his son-
in-law. * Sends statue of Istar of Nina, to be
honoured by N. and returned.
(S.B.A. xv. 124.)
On the back of this is an hieratic docket, apparently
in the $6th year of Amenhotep III., month of Phar-
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 265
muthi. This is the very last date in the reign, and
would be two or three weeks later than the papyrus of
Kahun dated under Amenhotep IV. (see p. 208). It is
possible that the docket is misread, or that the dating
was put in terms of Ninrmuriya's reign after his death,
as the letter was addressed to him.
(S.B.A. xv. 124; B.O.D. 10.)
After Ninvmuriya's death, Dushratta hesitated to
address the son, who was so young, and wrote to Teie,
whom he already knew.
IX.
DUSHRATTA to TEIE. D. greets Teie and Nap-
khurariya her son, Tadukhipa D.'s daughter,
T. 's daughter-in-law. Appeals to old friend-
ship of D. with Mimmuriya ; T. alone knows
their negotiations. T. had sent Giliya the
messenger to propose to maintain relations as
before. D. asks that Napkhurariya will send
the gargar of gold. Names Yuni D.'s wife.
(S.B.A. xv. 127.)
Giliya, the messenger of Dushratta, had probably
brought the previous letter VIII., arriving just at the
death of Amenhotep III. He was sent back with the
news by Tyi, as here stated ; and the above is Dush-
ratta's reply. We see here plainly that Tadukhipa is
Tyi's daughter-in-law, and was therefore married to
the IVth and not to the Illrd Amenhotep. Nap'
khura'riya is Neferkhepenrra, Amenhotep IV.
X.
DUSHRATTA to NAPKHURRURIYA. D. salutes
Teie thy mother, Tadukhipa my daughter thy
wife. Pirizzi and Bubri D.'s messengers sent.
Mane N.'s messenger and Umeatu D.'s
messenger sent before. D. asks for return
266> DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
of his messenger. D. has projects with N.'s
father, which Teie, N.'s mother, alone knows.
(M.A.F. vi. 304 ; R.P. xv. 89.)
The importance of Tyi here in diplomacy is explained
by her relationship to Dushratta which appears in the
next letter. It has been said that these terms of
brother and sister only refer to an official brotherhood
of fellow kings, and not to natural relationship. But
this is directly contradicted by the precision with which
son-in-law, father, and father-in-law is named, and
daughter-in-law, mother, and mother-in-law.
XI.
DUSHRATTA to NAPKHURRIYA. N. is D.'s son-
in-law. D. salutes Teie "my sister and thy
mother," and Tadukhipa " my daughter and
thy wife." D. has done all that Nimmuriya
desired, as "Teie thy mother knows." Let
N. enquire of Teie. The father of Nimmuriya
(Tahutmes IV.) sent a messenger to Artatama,
father of D.'s father, asking for a daughter ;
only granted on 7th application. Nimmuriya
sent Khamasi (Kha'envuas) to Sut(arna)
asking for a daughter from D.'s fatfier,
namely, D.'s sister, granted the 7th time.
(S.B.A. xiii. 559.) Giliya brought back gold,
etc., to Nimmuriya, and Nimmuriya sent his
envoy Nisag with slaves and gold. Nim-
muriya lately died and Dushratta is much
grieved. The envoy Artatama is sent by D.
(R.P. xv. 79.)
This is the^nost important letter of the series, for
the relationships which it states. It shows that
Tahutmes IV. married a Mitannian princess, likewise
Amenhotep III., and lastly, Amenhotep IV.; anc( it
shows that Tadukhipa was the queen, "mistress of
Egypt" (letter VI.), Neferfiti, wife of Akhenaten.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 267
- XII.
DUSHRATTA to NAPKHURURIYA. Khani N.'s
envoy has come. N. desired that as D. had
been friends with his father Mimmuriya, so he
should be with N. Asks for a wife from N.,
and promises to send ten times as much
presents. D. had asked for two gargar of
gold, one for himself and one for Tadukhipa
his daughter. M. promised him also rock
crystal, more also, patala and gargar. But N,
did not send them, but other things. Kha-
massi is the messenger of N.
(S.B.A. xiii. 556.)
Here Khani is the dragoman named before in letter
VII.; and he played an important part as resident in
Syria during the period of decline. Khamasi or
Kha'envuas was envoy in the previous reign, as the
last letter shows. Dushratta here seeks to strengthen
further the ties between the kingdoms, by having a
sister of Amenhotep IV. This is the last letter from
him that remains, and soon after the intercourse was
broken by the insurrection of the intervening peoples of
Syria.
The next most important alliance of Egypt was with
the kings of Karduniyas, or Babylonia, with whom
they intermarried.
XIII.
NIPMUARIA to KALLIMMASIN, king of
duniyas. N. (Amenhotep III.) had asked for
a princess from K. ; but K. complains that his
sister, who was given to N. by K.'s father, has
not been seen again. N. replies, send a high
official who knew her to verify her state. The
present messenger Zakara is only a shepherd,
and none of the others knew her.
K. complained that his messengers did not
know his sister to be such, and N. believes
26B DECLINE OF EGYPT
Kaabb^ f Gagaya or Khani-
she may impose as his/ ' ""* 1S P roduced
[N. promises by Anv< S ' st f n th m f? en g e ''-
on the me SS engerv- fen tha * he WlU not ' m P se
If K. doubts "1*7 anoth * r w ma ? ? ] .
see his dau r v' m this way, does he demand to
great kinr-^ rs are marne< * * otner
b t th +^> s ^ And why was K.'s sister sent
p1 ^ presents should be returned, as was
-*- 1 N. is cold to K.'s messengers because they
bring- nothing ; they received much silver,
gold, oils, purple, and all things, and only
brought this bad message, and spoke evil in
private. K. has said that his chariots pre-
sented were mixed up with those of the
governors, etc. ; but N. has them duly. Scribe
Kistu'nizaz*anni. (S.B.A. xv. 26.)
From this we see Amenhotep III. had married a
Karduniyan (Babylonian) princess ; but that her brother
Kallimmasin was not satisfied about her safety. Amen-
hotep appears, however, to have reassured him, so
that he was induced to send another princess his own
daughter to Egypt.
XIV.
KALLIMMASIN to the king of Egypt. K.'s daughter
Sukharti ("the younger") will be sent as
asked for. K.'s father sent a messenger who
was returned ; but K.'s messenger was de-
tained five years, and then only 30 manahs of
gold were sent by him. (S.B.A. xiii. 130.)
The following* letter, from the tone of it, appears to
be also from Kallimmasin ; but the names a're all lost.
XV.
xtoy. # refers to a former request and refusal of a
daughter of Egn. king for a foreign prince.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 269
A foreign princess having been promised to
the Egyptian king before ; but the Egyptian
ambassador did not bring enough gold. More
gold asked for in months Duzu or Abu ;
if even 3000 talents are sent to x y it will not be
accepted, nor will x sendjv his daughter.
(S.B.A. xiii. 128.)
Next we find that Kallimmasin had died ; and after
three other reigns (as we learn from the Babylonian
records) he was succeeded by Burnaburiyas, who begins
by appealing to the past friendship between the royal
families, and opening negotiations to get an Egyptian
princess betrothed to his son.
XVI.
BURNABURIYAS to NAP-KHURA-RIYA. Kings
of Karduniyas and of Egypt have been friends
since king Kara'indash. Messengers have
come thrice without valuables, and B. has
nothing to send. Ten minas of gold sent
were not full weight. B. has some girls, N.
may ask who he likes, and B. will send her ;
also an ? of ancient work. When Sindisu-
gab, B.'s messenger, leaves, N. is to send
chariots at once, for B. to make 9 others on
the pattern. B. sends 2 minas of uknu stone
(crystal or lazuli) ; and for N.'s daughter,
wife of B.'s son, (he?) sends a collar (?) of
stone, . . . 10 of uknu stone weighing 1048
(end lost). (S.B.A. xv. 117.)
The marriage of Napkhurariya's daughter here stated
cannot have been effected at the time, as, this letter was
written certainly long before the daughters were grown,
and Burnaburyas sends a present to Egypt for her.
This must then refer to a betrothal, and not to an
actual marriage. Of the three elder daughters one
died, and two married successive kings of Egypt, so
270 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
that the daughter here named must have 'been the
fourth or later, and born, therefore, as late as the loth
year of Akhenaten's reign. The sample chariot was
evidently sent, as the next letter shows the others to
have been made from it.
XVI I.
BURNABURIYAS to NIPKHURRIRIYA. B. and
N. Vfathers were allied. B. received two minas
of gold, but expects more. B.'s father was
Kurigalzu ; in his time the Kunakhiu (Canaan-
ites) sent to him to revolt and invade Kanni-
shat (?), and he refused. B. sends three
minas of rock crystal (or lazuli), 10 sets of
harness (or 5 pairs of horses), and 5 chariots.
(S.B.A. xiii. 540 ; see R.P. xv. 63.)
Next we see that the marriage was actually carried
out, by letter
XVIII.
BURNABURIYAS to NAPKHURARIYA. A list of
the gold and ivory thrones, etc., sent by Shuti,
which formed a part, or the whole, of tKe
dowry of the Egyptian princess who was to
marry his son. (B.O.D. 4.)
A portion of a similar list perhaps on the same
occasion also remains.
XIX.
No names. ^Fragment of inventory of carvings,
thrones, sceptres, etc. (S.B.A. x. 519.)
This marriage, even if a child-marriage, must have
been far on in the reign, as the fourth daughter was
not born till the xoth year; and so this ceremony
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 271
might be in the i4th or i5th at the earliest. As Syria
appears to be clear then for messengers, the decline
and loss of the empire must have come very quickly in
just the last year or two of the 18 years' reign of Akhen-
aten. This agrees with a successful campaign in Syria
being represented on one of the tombs carved under
Akhenaten.
Another kingdom with which there were commercial
relations was that of Alashiya, or Alosa in Egyptian,
as endorsed on the tablets in hieratic. This was prob-
ably the northern end of the Syrian coast. No personal
name of the king is stated.
XX.
King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Sends a tank of
bronze, three talents of hard bronze, one tusk
of ivory, one chair, and a ship.
(S.B.A. xi. 340.)
XXI.
King of Alashiya to king of Egypt. Despatch of 100
talents of bronze, a couch, a chariot, horses,
etc., appears to have been lost on the road ; on
account of this the king of Alashiya fears
the displeasure of Amenhotep. Although the
king of Alashiya has sent gifts regularly to the
king of Egypt, from the time of his ascending
the throne, Amenhotep has sent him nothing.
(B.O.D. 6.)
XXII.
King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Sent his messenger
with the Egyptian. Sent five talents bronze,
much in A M and wrought there. Asks for
gold, and oxen, and oils, 2 jars of kukubu,
and 60 men. Will send wood. Man of A,
272 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
has died in Egypt and left goods ; widow and
son claim them, asks that A.'s messenger may
bring them. Asks for gold, and will send
double of what is sent to A. by kings of Khatti
and Sankhar. (S.B.A. xiii. 544.)
The next appears to relate to a specified tribute, as
the amounts are much the sajne as in letter XXL;
while the rest of the business differs from that.
XXIII.
King of Alashiya to king of Egypt. Sends 100 talents
of bronze, and asks for a couch of ushu wood
inlaid with gold, a chariot inlaid with gold,
two horses, etc. Names a quarrel between A.
and E. merchants. Desires equal treatment
and reception of A. and E. envoys. Asks for
oils, and has sent a khabanat of excellent oil
to E. (S.B.A. xv. 133.)
The commercial relations of Egypt and Alashiya
seem to have been important The remaining letters
are but short.
XXIV.
King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Asks for mes-
sengers back quickly, as the traders go.
Mentions ships of Alasiya. (S.B.A. xiii. 547.)
, XXV.
King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Introduction of a
messenger bearing a costly gift. Docket in
hieratic " Letter from Alosha."
(S.B.A. xi. 334.)
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 273
The next letter seems to show the troubles beginning.
XXVI.
King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Protests that the
king of Egypt is mistaken about people of
Lukki who come into Alasiya. The Alasiyans
are not allied to the Lukkians. If proved to
be so they shall be punished.
(S.B.A. xv. 130.)
These Lukki, whom the Alasiyans repudiate, are
doubtless the Luka or Lykian pirates and sea-rovers,
who were the mainstay of the Mediterranean con-
federacies in the following dynasties. They here
appear for the first time in connection with another
maritime people, the Alasiyans.
Another alliance, that with the king of Assyria, also
appears.
XXVII.
ASSUR-YUBALLIDH to NAPKHURIYA. A. re-
King- ceived the ambassadors, and sent a chariot
of with two white horses, another chariot, and a
Assyria sea j Q f w hit e crystal. Asks for gold, and
arrears due. A.'s father, Assur*nadin*akhi,
received 20 talents of gold from Eg. King of
Khani Tabbatu (E. Kappadokia) received 20
talents. Asks for as much. The Suti (Satiu)
had waylaid Eg. ambassadors.
(R.P. xv. 61.)
The system of setting up nominees of Egypt in the
conquered provinces has left its mark in the following
letter:
XXVIII. *
ADDUNIRAR to king of Egypt. Manakhbiya
of Nu- (Tahutmes IV.), king of Masri (Egypt), raised
khasse A. *s father to rule in Nukhasse.
(S.B.A. xv. so.)
II 18
274 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
A fragment of a letter (XXIX.) belongs to Sutarna
of Musikhuni. As the place has not been identified
safely, it is possible that this is from Sutarna, the
father of Dushratta. See XL (P. A. 36, No. 100 bis.)
A view of the duties of the Egyptian governors is
given by several short letters.
XXX.
xtoy. A governor writes to adjacent governors say-
ing that he is going to send Akiya to make
his submission to Egypt. He asks if any gifts
shall be sent with Akiya. (B.O.D. 58.)
This shows how they united in sending a joint
messenger.
XXXI.
YIDYA to king of Egypt. Y. sends food, drink,
of As- oxen, etc. as a tribute (B.O.D. 52.)
kelon
XXXII. _
YIDYA to king of Egypt. Y. supplied the troops
with all necessaries. (B.O.D. 54.)
xxxui.
YIDYA to king of Egypt. Y. guards Askelon, and
sends women. (B.O.D. 53.)
It seems that not only did the Egyptians take thou-
sands of female slaves captive into Egypt, but a regular
tribute of girls was rendered from various places. Not
only in the above, but also in the two following letters
is this shown.
LETTERS OF THE PEACE 275
XXXIV.
SHATIYI to king of Egypt. S. guards the spring of
Zi . . . S. has sent his daughter to the
king's household. (B.O.D. 77.)
XXXV.
SUMANDI to king of Egypt. S. asks for Khanya
(the dragoman, lett. VII) to-be sent; and he
sends 300 oxen, and the girls, and votive offer-
ings. (S.B.A. xi. 331.)
The same governor writes briefly in three other
letters.
XXXVI.
SHUMANDI to king of Egypt. S. is disabled by
illness. (B.O.D. 40.)
In XXXVII. and XXXVIII. he acknowledges the
receipt of a despatch, and states that he
guards the city. (B.O.D. 38, 39.)
Of another skekh or governor far in the East we get
a glimpse.
XXXIX.
ARTAMA-SAMAS of Zirrbasani (the plain of Bashan)
to the king of Egypt. A. reports his adhesion,
with soldiers. (R.P. xvii. 99.)
After this peaceful correspondence of the age of
supremacy, we begin the age of troubles ; gradually
the northern people began fighting with one another ;
and, not being coerced by the Egyptians, the feuds
spread southward through all Syria and Palestine.
276 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Each governor and chief attacked his weaker neigh-
bours, and both parties sent letters to Egypt, each
claiming to be acting in the Egyptian interest in fight-
ing the other.
The warlike Khatti, or Hittites, who were never
conquered, but only repressed, in their Cappadocian
mountains, began to spread into more fertile regions.
In letters I. II. III. we have seen them on treaty terms
with Egypt ; but now they were fighting for their own
hand.
XL.
HADADPUYA and BILTMLU to king of Egypt.
The Khatta have taken Lupakku and the cities
of Am from Bin'addu (Benhadad). Zitanaand
soldiers have gone to Nukhasse. Greeting
from Amurhadad to Bin'ili, Ebed'ip, Bin* Ana,
Bhvziddi, and Anati (hostages in Egypt?).
(R.P. xvii. 99.)
The preparation for this attack is noted elsewhere, in
XLI.
Eda(-gama) to king of Egypt. Edafgama] (see "94,
130, 135) states that the governor of Kinza is
leagued with the Khatti, and attacked the cities
of Am. E. defends his city, and will defend it.
(B.O.D. 46.)
When the Egyptians began to withdraw, immediate
disorder arose, ,as shown in
XLII.
x to king of Egypt. The Egyptian troops being gone,
the country rebels. (B.CXD. 80.)
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 277
XLIII.
YAMA to king of Egypt. Y. defended his cities after
the governors fled. (S.B.A. xi. 392.)
The echoes of these difficulties affected even the
south, and down at Akku (Acre) difficulties appear,
although the land is all nominally Egyptian.
XLIV.
ZITADNA of Akku protests his fidelity. (B.O.D. 32.)
XLV.
NAMYA-ITSA to king of Egypt. Reports his adhe-
sion, with his Bedawin and Sute (Satiu).
(R.P. xvii. 96.)
XLVI.
ZATATNA (Zitadna, XLIV.) of Akku to king of Egypt.
Zirdanryasda revolted. Namya'itsa remains
with Suta the Commissioner in Akku. Egn.
soldiers are in Megiddo with a female refugee.
Suta sent to Zatatna that she has given
Zirdanvyasda to Namya'itsa, who does not
accept him. (R.P. xvii. 95.)
What Zatatna's course was is seen by the complaints
of Burnaburyas, which show that the land was still
professedly open to intercourse from Babylonia to Egypt.
XLVII.
BURNABURYAS king of Karduniyas to NAPKHUH-
RURIYA. B.'s messengers with Akhi'dhabu
(Ahitub) went into land of Kinakhkhi (Canaan-
ites), and on to Egypt. In Khinnatuni of the
278 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
land of Kinakhkhi, Simradda (ShenrHadad)
son of Balumme (Balaam) and Sutatna (or
Zitadna, 46) son of Saratum (or Zurata, 132)
of Akku, slew them and robbed the presents.
B. complains because the Kinakhkhi belong 1
to Egypt, and asks redress ; or else B.'s
people will slay Egyptian ambassadors, and
their agreement be broken; i maneh of crystal
sent. (R.P. xv. 65.)
Of Sumaddu, who acts as freebooter, we learn that
he was governor of Samkhtma (Semekhonitis, Gr. =
Merom, 33 m. E. of Akku), whence (XLVIII.) he sent
a report of peace to the king. (S.B.A. xii. 328.) But
later he excuses his deficiencies by the disturbed state
of the land.
XLIX.
SHUMADDU to the king of Egypt. S. is unable to
send corn, because the threshers have driven
away the overseers. (B.O.D. 66.)
The principal leaders of revolt in Syria were the
family of Abdishirta, and particularly one of them, who
was a native governor appointed by the Egyptians,
named Aziru. The latter appears to have been the
most capable and energetic of the rulers, and to have
been faithful to Egypt, until it was clear that the Egyp-
tians were hopelessly weak, when he determined to do
the best he could for his own hand. His earlier letters
are purely in the Egyptian interest.
e
L.
AZIRU to DUDU (viceroy). A. has done all that the
king desired. A. rules in the land of the
Amurri (Amorites). (S.B.A. xiii. 217.)
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 279
LI.
AZIRU to the king of Egypt. Two men were sent
by the messengers to receive the orders for
the land of Amurru. (S.B.A. xv. 21.)
LII.
AZIRU to DUDU. Khatib has made report to the
king, and is now with D. King of Khatti has
invaded Nukhasse.
LITL
AZIRU to the king of Egypt. A. has carried out all
his orders . . . the kings of Nukhasse . . .
city of Tsumuri (Simyra). (S.B.A. xi. 410.)
In the next we see Aziru trying to use Dudu as a
catspaw to get a subsidy from Egypt.
LIV.
AZIRU to DUDU. The kings of Nukhasse said to A.
that his father got all the gold he wanted from
the king of Egypt. (S.B.A. xiii. 216.)
We next turn to a most faithful servant of the Egyp-
tians, Ribaddu, governor of Simyra and afterwards of
Gabula, who has left the longest correspondence of all ;
nearly forty letters of his extend from the age of tran-
quillity to the almost entire loss of Syria.
LV.
RIBADDU to the king. Names the official Amanma
or Amanappa). R. marches with 60 chariots
... Let Yappa'addu be blamed ... Two
ships are sent. (S.B.A. xi. 361.)
s8o DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Ebed-ashera (or Arad-ashirta) soon appears as the
enemy of the Egyptian power. His sons including
Aziru seem to have been the main rebels, though pro-
fessing to act in the Egyptian interest.
LVI.
RIBADDU to the king. Sons of Ebed-ashera have
taken two horses and chariots, and Yivana (the
Ionian) is gone to Tyre. R. sent two messengers
to Zemar. Asks for ten men of Melukhkha
and ten of Egypt for defence.
(R.P. xviii. 50.)
The following may be about this same period.
LVII.
RIBADDU of Gabla to king. King's guard have
stolen goods of R. as well as of the king.
Pakhura (Syrian) has sent the Sute and smitten
the Serdani (Egyptian). R. rebuts charges.
(R.P. xviii. 66.)
LVIII.
RIBADDU to AMANAPPA (Amenemapt). R. asks^A.
to deliver him from Arduashirta's soldiers.
He was ordered to send ships to Yarimuta.
Soldiers patrol the land of Amurri. R. desires
that troops be not sent to Akzabu (Achzib).
(M.A.F. vi. 307; R.P. xviii. 62.)
L1X.
RIBADDU to the king. Hostile is Ebedasherah of
Barrabarti ; he has captured cities, and stirred
up Gubla and Tyre, saying, " I am your lord."
And Bedawin have done like the city of Ammi
. . . the Serdanu. Zemar is still strong
for R. (R.P. xviii. 89.)
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 281
LX.
RIBADDU to king. R. sent nephews to Tyre for
safety. Palace of Tyre is great like that in
Ugarita. (R.P. xviii. 63.)
LXI.
RIBADDU to the king. Names the city of Tisa . . .
in land of Tsumuri, and the land of Martu
(Amurri). (P.A. 35, No. 3.)
The following letter, addressed to the chief of Amurri,
was probably sent to Aziru, as he ruled and received
orders in the land of Amurra ; but no addressee is
named. Khanni was formerly dragoman (VII.), but
here appears to be administrator.
LXII.
KHANNI to chief of Amurra. The chief of Gubla
has complained of an attack by the chief of
Amurra, and asked to be protected by Khanni.
Chief of Amurra is summoned to a court-
martial at Zidon. A woman Mada has gone
to chief of Qidsa, driven out by the Amurri to
a hostile place. Threats of burning him out.
Amurri is in land of Kinakhi. Next year K.'s
son must go to Egypt with a settlement of
affairs. Asks A. to send in his son to Egypt
as a hostage, and allows this year for him to
do so. Next year will be too late. Khanni is
sent in place of the king, with a black list of
enemies. A. is asked to help tc^ bring in Sarru
and all his sons, Tuya, Liya and all his sons,
Pisiari and his sons, the son-in-law of Mania
and his sons and wives . . . Da wife of (or
Dasarti) Paluma, and Nlmmakhi hapadu of
Amurri, (S.B.A. xiii. 224.)
282 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
A later translation, while agreeing in the names,
renders this as a reproach to the chief of Gubla for
expelling his brother, who lives in Zituna, etc. But
this is not so concordant with the address to the chief
of Amurri.
In the next we have an appeal from another city.
LXIII.
IRQ AT A city, to the king of Egypt. The nobles of
Irqata send 30 horses, etc. Men of a town in
Shanku, who were before friendly, now, are
foes. Irqata refuses their offers, and appeals
to Egypt. (B.O.D. 42.)
The appeal was In vain, as the next letter shows.
LXIV.
RIBADDU to king of Egypt. R. is distressed by the
sons of Ebed'asirta who descend into Amurni.
All the land of Tsumura and city of Irqata
(Tell 'Arqa) rebel in Tsumura. Governor has
left Gubla. Neither Zimrida nor Yapa'addu
are with R. Governor sent to them, and they
paid 30 manehs. King has sent reinforce-
ments to Tsumura and Irqata, garrison"" of
Tsumura has fled. (R.P. xv, 70.)
LXV.
RIBADDU to king of Egypt. Names Tsumuri and
Arad-asirti. . (P.A. 35, No. 2.)
The next letter has lost the sender's name, but is
doubtless from 'the faithful Ribaddu.
LXVI.
x to king of Egypt. Owing to Abd'ashirta, Khaya
(or Khaip, governor of Zumura) was unable
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 283
to send ships to land of Amurri. Ships from
Arvad, in charge of x> lack men, and x urges
that Egyptian ships and men be sent ; also
that an officer be set over ships of Sidon,
Beyrut, and Arvad, to seize Abd'ashirta.
This appeal to secure tne fleet for Egypt failed, as
we read in the next letter that the ships were lost.
LXVII.
RIBADDU to the king. May the goddess of Gubla
give power to the king. Aziru is his adver-
sary, has taken 12 of R.'s men, and asks 50
of silver ransom ; A. has taken in Tambuliya
men whom R. had sent to Zumur. Ships of
Zumur, Biruta, and Ziduna all are gone over
to land of Amuri (i.e. to Aziru, see L.).
Yapa'addu as well as Aziru attacks R. , and
have taken his ships. R.'s family will go
over to enemy if not succoured. R. holds
Zumur, but is surrounded by enemies for two
months past. Ask Amanma if R. has not
been faithful in Alasiya . . . Yarimuta . . .
Yappa*addu. > (S.B.A. xv. 359.)
In the next three letters we see that Ebed-asherah
had obtained allies, and was pushing his way still
further against Ribaddu.
LXVIII.
RIBADDU to king. Salma-salla son ofc Ebed-asherah
holds Ullazu, Ardata, Yibiliya, Ambi, and
Sigata. Kings of Kasse and Mitani have
taken land of the king. If help is not sent
Zemar will fall also, and R. cannot go to
Zemar. (R.P. xviii. 58.)
DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
LXIX.
RIBADDU to the king. Zemar still faithful. Yappa-
addu does not help. Kasites joined Ebed-
asherah and Mitani and the Khatti take
the land. King has sent troops with Yan-
khamu, and men of Yarimuta,and commissioner
of Kumidi . . . (R.P. xviii. 59.)
The name of the sender is lost ; but the following
letter is clearly from Ribaddu, and of this period.
LXX,
x to king of Egypt, x held Tsumura. City of Zarak
reports that the four sons of Abd'asirti are
captured. Yapa'addu and Aziru oppose x.
Sons of Abd'asirti went against Tarkumiya,
and took the land of the king of Egypt, the
king of Mitana'nanu, the king of Tarkusi, and
the king of Khata (Hittites). Yankhamu the
servant of the king of (in ?) Yarimuta, and the
Resident Melekh'mi . . . (S.B.A. xi. 356.)
The report of the capture of the Abd'ashirtitesjvas
false, as we find them more active in future. *""
We next see that even Zemar was in great danger.
. LXXI.
RIBADDU to the king. R. in difficulty for Zemar ;
sends two messengers to king, one of Yari-
muta T v Asks for help to take Aziru, as sons of
Ebed-ashera have smitten cities, Zemar,
Ullaza, Sawa. . . . Offers to send to Yan-
khame and Biri. R. has occupied Amurri in
peace, with Yapa'addu and Khatib, Asks for
men of Malukh'kha. (&? xviii. 52.)
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 385
And next we see that Zemar was lost.
LXXII.
RIBADDU to the king. Ebed-asherah strong against
R., and sends to Mitana (Aram Naharaim)
and Kasse (Babylonia). E. has collected
Bedawin against Sigata and Ambi. Zemar is
already lost. (R.P. xviii. 56.)
We turn now to other writers, resuming the later
troubles of Ribaddu at No. Ixxxviii.
LXXIII.
SU(?)YARZANA to king of Egypt. S. is attacked by
of the city of Tusulti. The Bedawin have taken
KHAZI, Makhzi . . . ti and burnt it, and have gone
against Aman'khatbi (Amenhotep), and have
taken Gilu, and only Bal'garib survives.
They attack Magdali, and Usteru . . ., and
Khazi. S. captured 50 Bedawin, and took
them to Aman'khatbi . . .
(R.P. xvii. 85.)
Tusulti has been equalled with Tasuret of Thothmes,
probably Teiasir n N.E. of Shechem, but the rest of
these places seem to be lower down in the Esdraelon
region, for Khazi is the Khazay of Thothmes, Tell el
Kussis, 8 N. W, of Megiddo. The ruler of Migdol was
soon in extremities, and wrote as follows :
LXXIV.
x to king of Egypt, x has no authority in Magdalim,
and the soldiers of Kukbi have conspired, x
contradicts Abbikha, who says that his cities
have been captured by the enemy.
(B.O.D. 73-)
286 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Abi'sharri, otherwise rendered as Abi'milki, the
governor of Tsurri (Tyre), is another important person,
whose troubles were like those of Ribaddu.
LXXV.
ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. A. asks for Uzu to
strengthen him ; for Ilgi ruler of Sidon has
defeated him. The ruler of Khazur (Hazor}
has come out. (S.B.A. xiii. 323.)
The ruler of Khazur appealed to Egypt.
LXXVI.
ABDI-SULLIM to the king of Egypt. A. will hold
of his city until the king comes.
Khazur. (B.O.D. 47.)
Ilgi named above must have soon died or been slain,
as a new ruler appears in this next letter.
LXXVII.
ZIMRIDDI to king of Egypt. Z. is governor of
of Ziduna, which is safe for the king ; Z. asks
Sidon. succour. (S.B.A. xiii. 318.)
This profession of obedience seems to have been only
a blind, to draw some supplies ; for we read in
LXXVIII.
ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. The king thunders in
heaven like the god Addu. The king sent a
message and all the land feared. A. is
raised to the rank of the great officers. Zim-
nda governor of Ziduna sends messages to
the rebel Aziru, son of Arad'ashratu, for all the
Egyptian news. Is that right ?
(S.B.A. xv. 518.)
Zinirida soon takes a more active course.
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 287
LXXIX.
ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. A. cannot leave his
town to come to Egypt, because he cannot get
out of the hands of Zimrida of Ziduna, who
knows that he wants to leave, and wars
against him. Asks for 10 men to guard the
town in his absence, and sends a messenger.
Asks for wood and water, because placed on
the sea they have neither. The messenger,
Ilu-milku, bears 5 talents of copper, subu
and a ginazu. Replying to the king's en-
* quiries about Kinaahna, the king of Danuna
(Danian, 135 of Tyre) is dead, his brother
succeeds, and the land is quiet. The house (?)
of the king of Ugarit is half burnt. Of the
Khatti nothing. Itamagapapiri of Qidshu,
and Aziru, war with Namyapiza. Zimrida
collected ships and men of Aziru and came
against Abisharri. (S.B.A. xv. 507.)
This phrase of asking for ten men (or officers) is like the
modern idiom in Egypt of asking for two piastres, as a
modest way of applying for an indefinite amount. The
difficulty in Tyre for wood and water has always been
common in war.
Aziru, however, gives another version of his relations
with Egypt, and asks for supplies from the king, pre-
paratory to his final rebellion.
LXXX
AZIRU to king of Egypt. A. is always faithful to
Egypt. The people of Sumuri disturb him.
If the king of the Khatti comes against him,
he needs men, chariots, etc., to repel him.
(S.B.A. xiii. 219.)
288 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
LXXXI.
AZIRU to DUDU (viceroy). Khatib (Hotep) will go
to the king ; if Aziru also leaves, the king
of Khatti will come into Nukhassi, and his
revolt will be laid to us. (S.B.A. xiii. 229.)
LXXXII.
AZIRU to x. The king- of the Khatti is in Nukhassi
and Tunip (Tennib) and Martu.
(S.E.A. xiii. 233.)
LXXXII I.
AZIRU to king of Egypt. A. and Khatib are now
leaving ; but the king of the Khatti is in
Nukhassi and in Tunip. (S.B.A. xiii. 232.)
LXXXIV.
AZIRU to KHAI (viceroy). A. and Khatib will soon
leave. The king of the Khatti is in Nukhassi,
. and went into the land of Martu ( = Arfturri),
and ravaged the city of Dunip (Tennib).
(S.B.A. xiii. 231.)
A very different version of these affairs is given by
the other side.
LXXXV.
ABI'SHARRI to king of Egypt. The king is like the
sun-god, like the god Addu in heaven. The
king set A. in Tyre, and A. asks for 20
soldiers. . . . Aziru . '. . Arad'ashratu .
revolted Khabi. If a messenger had been
sent there Zumur would not have been given
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 289
to Aziru. Zimrida has taken Uzu (Hosah)
from A., and A. has no wood or water, or
burial-ground. Zimrida of Ziduna and Aziru,
and men of Arvada, have sworn together, and
assemble ships, chariots, and soldiers, to take
Tyre. They took Zumur on the word of
Zimrida, who brought a false message (see
LXXVIII.) to Aziru. No wood nor water.
(S.B.A. xv. 511.)
This mentions the fall of Zumura, which Ribaddu
reported in LXXII. And Zimrida, who was beleaguer-
ing Tyre in LXXIX., here is joined with Aziru and the
Arvadites.
Tunip also besought the king against Azirtu
LXXXVI.
TUNIP people, to king of Egypt. Manakhbiria (Men-
kheper'ra, Tahutmes III.) received their
allegiance. His statues are in the town.
They have sent messages twenty times. By
the god Addu they demand a reply. Aziru
has maligned them as enemies to Egypt and
to the Khatti. Aziru will treat them like the
people of Ni, who have broken allegiance to
Egypt. Aziru took Zumur. The writers
desire a reply. (S.B.A. xv. 18.)
This is the last appeal of Tunip ; and below is the
last appeal of Tyre.
LXXXVII.
ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. The king gave orders
to supply wood and water, but nothing is done.
A. is the servant of Salmayati, and Tyre is
the eity of Saimayati. (S.B.A. xv. 515.)
1119
290 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
LXXXVIII.
RIBADDA to king of Egypt. Reports conspiracy of
Aziru, fall of Zumura, and death of governor
Khaib. Therefore Bikhura will not be able to
hold Kumidi. (B.O.D. 18.)
Here we learn the name of the unlucky governor of
Zumura, whom we have met before in letter LXVL
Bikhura saved himself by joining the victors, as
Ribaddu laments in the next.
LXXXIX.
RIBADDA to king of Egypt. R. attacked by Bikhura,
governor of Kumidi, who incited the Sute
(Bedawin), with Abdirama, Iddin-adda, and
Abdi-milki (or Abdisharri), sons of Abd-
ashirta, to attack him. (B.O.D. 20.)
Next Aziru sends a polite series of excuses for his
falseness.
XC.
AZIRU to king of Egypt. When envoy Khani came,
A. was at Tunip, and knew it not. FollowedJiim
in vain. A.'s brother and Bitil received K. well,
and supplied him. Another time Khani came,
and received A. as a father. King orders A. to
rebuild Zumur. Kings of Nukhassi have
fought A. and taken town, urged by Khatib, _
and A. has not rebuilt. Khatib hpjs., \aken
half of what king gave him, anrj a ll the gold
and silver. King has asked iwhy A. refused
his etfvoy and welcomed "that of the Khatti ;
but he has r;^ ve( i t h e envoy well.
(S.B.A. xv. 372.)
Here the ki^g, has heard O f t h e fall of Zumura, and
ordered its tj restorat i onj but Aziru tries to throw the
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 291
blame of its destruction on the kings of Nukhassi and
Khatib the Egyptian, who were apparently leagued
with Aziru. He also tries to abuse Khatib as false to
the king.
Another lament from Ribaddu follows ; the sender's
name is rendered Rabimur or Ilu*rabi'khur, but this
is apparently from Ribaddu.
XCI.
RIBADDU (?) to king of Egypt. A. ruled in Gubla.
Aziru has smitten Aduna king of Irqata, the
land of Ammiya and the king of Ardata, and
taken Tsumura and other towns. Only Gubla
is left to the king. The city of Ullaza and
Palasa are captured by Aziru. Sarnu . . .
Itakama smote the land of Am. The king of
the Khatta, and king of Nariba . . .
(S.B.A. xiii. 220; R.P, xvii. 90.)
XCII.
ILU-RABI'KHUR of Gubla to king of Egypt. Aziru
has leagued with the kings of Ammiya and
Ni against the king. He asks for 30 to 50
men to guard the city and Zumur, and warns
the king against Aziru. (B.O.D. 45.)
Ribaddu again reports his afflictions in the next.
XCIII.
RIBADDU to king of Egypt. Zumuru captured. Biri
an Eg. officer slain and men scattered.
R. applied to Pakhamnata, who would not
help, and was present when Zumuru was
destroyed. Troops of Gubla slain at Zumuru,
No corn in Gubla, serious state.
(B.O.D* 24,)
292 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Pakhamnata, evidently an Egyptian envoy, seems to
have played false ; and we see old Arad'ashirta claim-
ing to be faithful and submissive to the envoy.
XCIV.
ARAD-ASHRATU to king of Egypt. A. guards the
whole land of Amuri. A. tells Pakhanati his
inspector (or Resident) to take the auxiliaries
... A. guards Zumur and Ullaza (taken by
Aziru, see XCL). When the inspector brings
word from the king, A. will give up Zumur.
(S.B.A. xv. 502.)
A new governor was sent to try to improve the
affairs, and Ribaddu at once seeks to take action.
XCV.
RIBADDU to KHAYAPA. R. prostrates before K.
sent as commissioner. R. asks for troops
against Zemar. Ebed-asherah is strong
among the Bedawin, and sent 50 convoys of
horses and 200 soldiers into Sigata, which he
holds, and also Ambi. ,^
(R.P. xvni. 56.)
He also appeals to another governor, but in vain.
XCVI.
RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. R. prostrates himself
before A. May the goddess of Gubla protect
him. r Asks why he does not speak for him,
that A. may come with troops and take land
of Amuri. Amuri have a stronghold and no
longer belong to Arad'asirta ; they drill day
and night, and we must do the same. All the
governors desire action since Arad'asirta has
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 293
ordered people of Ammiya to slay their master.
R. asks A. to tell all this to the king. A.
knows R. and his acts at Zumur.
(S.B.A. xv. 355.)
Ribaddu appears to have discovered some defection
in the enemy's party, and wished to encourage the new
envoys to take active steps. For a time it seems as if
the Egyptian interest was succeeding, as in the next
letter, after they had been short of corn for two years,
and Ribaddu was limited to Gubla, the governor ejected
Ebed-asherah from Amurri.
XCVII.
RIBADDU to king. For two years no corn ; all
families of garrison have gone to Yarimuta.
King has sent 400 men and 30 convoys of
horses to Shuta, who will defend city. Yan-
khamu says "king gave corn to Ribaddu,
therefore give to Tyre." And likewise Yapa-
addu. King did not give corn in Zemar, but
gives it in Gubla. The king of Tarizi marched
to Zemar and Gubla ; the governor has de-
stroyed Ebed-asherah out of Amurri. E. had
occupied Tyre. (R.P. xviii. 67.)
But we next find that for three years there had been
no corn, and Ribaddu cannot move out.
XCVIII.
RIBADDU to the king. R. protests his family fidelity.
But brigands oppress the land, and R's people
have fled to Yarimuta. For three years no
cultivation ; only Gubla and two other places
are left to R. Arad-asirta has taken Si gat a,
and said to men of Ammiya, ' ' Slay your
master," and they submitted. R, fears much,
DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
he is shut up as a bird in a cage in Gubla.
Asks that Aman-appa (Amen 'em 'apt, letter
CII.) shall state case. (S.B.A. xv. 351.)
XCIX.
RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. Reports attacks on city,
corn scarce for three years. Names Amurri,
Mitani, Zumuru, and official Yankhamu who
supplied corn. (B.O.D. 21.)
C.
RIBADDU to king. R. asks for troops to protect
Gubla, etc. (B.O.D. 25.)
Then even Gubla became insecure for Ribaddu.
CI.
RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. Gubla is surrounded
with foes ; people of Ambi stirred by Abd-
ashirta have rebelled ; and R. is surprised
that Amanappa should have ordered him to
Zumuru, (B.OrB. 23.)
Treachery began within the city.
CII.
RIBADDU to the* king. R. went to Khamuniri
( = Ammunira, CIII.). R.'s brother tries to
drive r him from Gubla, and has guard and
Yanazni with him. R. has never seen the
king, but now sends his son. R.'s brother
wishes to give Gubla to. sons of E bed-as hera*h,
who are hostile in Puruzilim. R. begs for
help. (R.P. xviii. 70.)
NORTH SYRIAN REVOLT 293
Then Ribaddu flees to Beyrut.
CIIL
RIBADDU to king of Egypt. The men of Gubla and
R.'s family demanded that he should submit to
Arad'asirta. R. sent an account to the king,
but no reply came. Corn ran short : so R.
fled to Ammunira, governor of Biruta (Beyrut),
who shut him out. Meanwhile R.'s family
fled. (S.B.A. xv. 362.)
Of Ammunira we learn a little before this, in the
following :
CIV.
AMMUNIRA to king of Egypt. A chief of Biruta has
O f obeyed the king's orders, and gone forth at the
Biruta, head of his soldiers with horses and chariots.
(S.B.A. xv. 366.)
But his account of Ribaddu's flight seems to show
that he gave him shelter.
CV.
AMMUNIRA to king of Egypt. A. will guard Biruta
until auxiliaries come. Ribaddu of Gubla has
taken refuge with A. R.'s brother is in Gubla,
and has given the sons of R. to the rebels of
Amuri. (S.B.A. xv. 368.)
The other side of the story comes from the rebel
Abd'ashirta.
CVI.
ABD-ASHIRTA to the king of Egypt. A. protests his
fidelity in Gubla, and asks for assistance.
Acknowledges receipt of letter, and sends in
answer ten women. (B.O.D. 33.)
296 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
After Ribaddu fled, the garrison followed his example.
CVII.
RIBADDU to king of Egypt. Owing to corn not
coming from Yarimuta, the garrison rebelled
and left Gubla. R. is no longer governor,
and the cities are ruled by Aziru, leagued with
Abd-ashirta. (B.O.D. 19.)
Lastly, Beyrut fell, as Ribaddu reports.
CVIIL
RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. R. asks for an explana-
tion of the censures on him. Though Biruna
(Beirut) has fallen, R. supplied soldiers and
chariots to protect it. (B.O.D. 25.)
The last letter from Ribaddu is a final appeal to the
king to act strongly.
CIX.
RIB ADDA to king of Egypt. Reports Abd-ashirta
coming, and the fall of Biruta. Unless the
king sends chariots and soldiers at once, all
the coast from Biruta to Egypt will fall to
enemy, A little help from Egypt will enable
R. to hold out. (B.O.D, 17.)
We now turn to the letters concerning Southern
Syria, the principal personages in which are not found .
in the preceding series. Two or three times a link
occurs between the Northern and Southern series, and
no doubt the earlier letters that here follow were
written bdbre the later letters which we have already
summarised. The main due to the order in the follow-
PALESTINE REVOLT 297
ing letters is the alliance of Labai with Ebed'tob in the
Egyptian interest at first, and his later union with the
Syrian party. Many of the letters are so short and
unallusive that they can only be fitly grouped by the
personages.
The first letter here has lost the sender's name ; from
the tenor of it, we can hardly be wrong in attributing it
to Ebed'tob, especially as he defends Urushalim (Jeru-
salem), which was that governor's place.
CX.
x to king of Egypt. ... as to Urushalim, if the land
remains to the king why is not Khazati the
capital ? Gimti-Kirmil (Gimza) is fallen to
Tagi and men of Guti (Gath). He is in Bit-
Sani (Beit Shenna, 4! S.E. Gimzu ?), and E.
arranged that Lab'ai should give ... to the
Khabiri. Milkilim sent to Tagi ; and granted
requests of Kelti (Keilah) We have delivered
Urushalim. The guard left in it Khapi son of
Miyariya (Hapi son of Meryra). Addalim
(Hadad-el) remains in Khazati.
(R.P. xvii. 73.)
Zimrida, the letter naming whom was found at
Lachish by Dr. Bliss, appears as governor of that city
here. In the letter CXI. he is named as in the Syrian
interest ; so we must only look on the present letter as
a polite blind, like Aziru's letters LXXX. to LXXXIV.
Whether this Zimrida is the same as Zimrida of Zidon,
whom we last saw in letter LXXXV. as taking Tyre,
is uncertain ; if there be but one Zimrida, this letter
must come after No. LXXXV. Anyhow, No. CXII.
records his end.
CXI.
ZIMRIDI to king of Egypt. Z. the chief of Lakisha
has received orders and will execute them.
(S.B,A xiii. 319.)
298 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
CXII.
EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. E. protests fidelity.
Suta (Suti) the commissioner has come, and
E. has given him 21 women and 20 men
slaves. There is war against Egypt as far as
mountains of Seri (Surah, on hills 6 S.E. of
Gath) and Guti-Kirmil (Gath). The Khabiri
are capturing forts. Turbazu (Egyptian) was
killed in Zilu (Zelah). Zimrida (Syrian) of
Lachish is slain. Yaptikh-addu (Egyptian)
was killed in Zilu. E. begs for reinforce-
ments, the land being rn extremity.
(R.P. xvii. 68.)
CXIII.
EBED'TOB to king of Egypt. E. is accused of revolt.
E. asks the governor why he favours the
Khabiri, and often has reported to the king
the attacks on the land. Asks for Yikhbil-
Khama. Ili-milki (Elimelech) is destroying
king's land. Khabiri are wasting alf.
(R.P. xvii. 66.)
CXIV.
SUYARDATA to king of Egypt. S. ordered to attack
Kelte. Ebed'tob sent 14 pieces of silver to
men of Kelte to attack S. Ebed'tob took
Kelte, Bel'nathan (?), and Hamor (?). Lab'api
(Labai) and Ebed'tob occupy . . . ninu.
Docket^ repeated refusal.
< (S.B.A. xi. 348 ; R.P. xvii. 77.)
This letter is the last naming Labai as being on the
Egyptian side j and the first to bring in Suyardata,
whom we frequently find later. We turn now to a
short connected series which belong to about this time.
PALESTINE REVOLT 399
CXV. (in full, see p. 185).
YATIBIRI to king of Egypt. Yankhama took Yatibiri
(Hotep-ra) into Egypt when young, and
Yatibiri lived in the palace. Later Yatibiri
was guarding Azzati (Gaza) and Yapu (Joppa),
and always went with the auxiliaries.
(S.B.A. xv. 504.)
Yankhama appears as viceroy in the next, which is
from the region of Tiberias.
CXVI.
MUT-ADDA to YANKHAMU. Ayab and king of
Bitilim fled, and the enemy are in the city.
Refers Y. to Bininima and Isuya. Names city
of Ashtarti. The cities of Udumu, Aduri,
Araru, Mestu, Magdalim, Khinianabi, Zarqi-
zabtat, Khayini and Ibilimma are hostile.
(R.P. xviii. xvii.)
CXVII.
SHIBTI-ADDA to king of Egypt. Acknowledges
letter. Yankhamu is faithful.
(B.O.D. 65.)
CXVI 1 1.
BAYAWI to king of Egypt. Owing to Yankhamu,
rebels have seized the country.
(B.O.D. 60.)
This was the usual device of a man who was rebel-
ling, to accuse the Egyptian party falsely, in order to
hide his defection of attacking them. Beyawi, or Beya,
next appears as an adversary.
300 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
CXIX.
ADAD-DAYAN to king of Egypt. There is war in
Tumur (Tumra? 7 N.E. Gaza). Mankhate
(Wady el Menakh, 7 S. Gezer) was taken by
Beya. Rianap retook it, and Ghezer and
Rubute. Ransoms are 30 of silver for some
men, and 100 for Beya's men.
(M.A.F. vi. 299.)
Another translation varies thus : The city of Tumur
and city of Mankhate revolt. Addu'kimimma
(the writer) took . . . from Beya, and gave it
to Rianap. Beya of Rubute has not reported
lately. For provisions for men 30 pieces of
silver ; for city of Beya 100 pieces.
(S.B.A. xi. 394.)
Rianap (Ra*em*ap) was an Egyptian governor, as
we see in the next.
cxx.
BUADDA to king of Egypt. B. guards his land. B.
was rebuked for his conduct to Rianappa^and
promises now to look on R. as on the king.
(B.O.D. 56.)
CXXI.
BUADDA of Urza to king of Egypt. B. advised
Shakhshikhashi (?) not to help the enemies.
(B.O.D. 55.)
CXXIL
BUADDA of Pitazzi to king of Egypt. Report of
peace, (S.B.A. xL 329.)
PALESTINE REVOLT 301
Another glimpse of Bey a appears.
CXXIII.
x to king of Egypt. The troops sent to Tyre were
taken prisoners by Biya son of Gulati ; now
Biya is expelled from the city, and the city is
in right hands. (B.O.D. 71.)
Returning now to Labai's party.
CXXIV.
ADDIHTLU to king of Egypt. Two sons of Lab'ai
have joined A.'s enemy; they complain that
the king gave to Sirila'giti a city that Labai
took. They have stirred up men of Gina
(Jamah, 7 W. Bethel), besides smiting Avanu
(Beth Aven, near Bethel) ; and they addressed
an Egyptian prince Namya'itsa. Sons of
Lab'ai say they war like their father when he
was set over Sunama (Selmeh ? 3 E. Joppa)
and Burqa (Bene-beraq, 5 E. Joppa) and
Kharabu (El Khurab, n E. Joppa?), and took
Giti-Rimuna (Gath-rimmon, near Joppa, Jos.
xix*.45) Messengers of Milkilim.
(R.P. xvii. 83.)
cxxv.
TAGI to king of Egypt. T. is father-in-law of Milkili,
and asks that main roads be still guarded by
Milkili. (B.O.D. 70.)
This relationship explains the next letter.
CXXVI.
EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. Milkilim joins sons of
Labai and sons ofArzai to take the country.
302 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Milkilim joined with Tagi and took Rubute
(Rabbah). Puru (or Pauru = Paari) is in
Khazati (Gaza). Requests that Yikhbil-
Khamu be sent. (R.P. xvii. 71.)
We now turn to another group of letters concerning*
Labai and Arzai, or Arzawiya ; prefixing two which
are of an earlier date before the great troubles, and
which belong to the North, but which throw light on
the same people.
CXXVII.
AKIZZI to NAP-KHUR-RIYA. A. is governor of
Qatna ; he names services in victualling the
army ; asks for troops to be sent to occupy
country around, which would welcome them.
Men of Qatna seized by Aziru ; asks for rescue
or ransom. Statue of Shamash taken from
Qatna by king of Khatti, asks N. to send
ransom. (B.O.D. 36.)
CXXVIII.
AKIZZI to NAP-KHUR-RIYA. King of Khatti has
obstructed him. Aitugama of QedeSfr; Tiu-
yatti governor of Lapana, and Arzauya
governor of Gizzi, are leagued ; but kings of
Nukhashshi, Ni, Zinzar, and Kinanatare faith-
ful. A. asks for troops soon, as kings with
Aitugama ^nd Dasha in the land of Am are
going to take Aup. Timasgi is in the land of
Aup. (B.O.D. 37.)
<..''
CXXIX.
YASHDATA to king of Egypt. Men of Takh . . .
have raided Y* Y. is allied with Biridiyi
governor of Megiddo. (B.O.D. 59.)
PALESTINE REVOLT 303
cxxx.
BIRIDI to king- of Egypt. Labai wars against B.
City of Aveti (or Abitu, CXXXIII. Abdeh,
15 S. of Tyre) received the Egyptians. Labai
attacks Megiddo. B. desires forces.
(R.P. xvii. 81.)
CXXXI.
BIRIDI to king of Egypt. Megiddo is besieged, and
there are rebels in the low country.
(R.P. xvii. 82.)
Labai failed, it seems, but succeeded in escaping.
CXXXII.
x to king of Egypt, x chased Labaya, who was with
Yashdata, but could not claim him, as Labaya
had been taken at Megiddo by Zurata, who
would have sent him to Egypt by ship ; so x
gave money to Zurata. to get hold of Labaya,
but Zurata took L. to his house in Khinatuna,
and then Labaya and Addamikhir escaped.
How is x to get back his money spent for the
king? (B.O.D. 72.)
This looks as if Labai had been ransomed by his
friend out of the Egyptian hands ; and then they were
scheming to make the Egyptians repay the money.
The next gives the last notice about Namyayiza,
named in CXXIV. and many earlier letters.
CXXXIII.
x to king of Egypt. Names rebels. Biridashyi stirred
up city of Inu-amma (Yanuh, 7 E. Tyre); they
took chariots in city of Ashtarti (Ashteroth,
304 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
21 E. Gennesaret) ; kings of Buzruna (Bozrah)
and Khalunni (Golan, 'Allan) league with Biri-
dashyi to slay Namyayiza, who refuged m
Timasgi, and, being attacked by Arzauya,
declared himself Egyptian. Arzauya went to
Gizza (Gish, 22 S.E. Tyre) and toolr Shaddu ;
Itakkama of Qedesh ravaged Gizza, and
Arzauya and Biridashyi wasted Abitu (Abdeh,
15 S. Tyre) ; x will guard the city of Kumidi.
(B.O.D. 43.)
We now continue the history of the attacks by Labai
and Milkili on the region nearest to Egypt.
CXXXIV.
EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. Gezer, Asqaluna, and
La(chish) have given supplies. Urgent need
of troops. E. occupies Urushalim. Milkilim
and Labai have given country to the Khabiri.
As to the Kasi (Babylonians?), let the king
ask the commissioner how strong the temple
is. Pauru (Pa-ari) will come to Urushalim to
deliver Adai. E. has made roads in the plain
and hills. Consider Ayaluna (Ajalon) E. not
able to make road. (R.P. xvii. 74.)
Gezer, however, was in difficulties before the end, as
we read from the unlucky governor.
cxxxv.
YAPAKHI of GAZRI to the king of Egypt. Acknow-
ledges letter, and asks for support in Gezer.
(B.O.D. 49.)
CXXXVI.
YAPAKHI to king of Egypt. Acknowledges letter ; a
raid of the Sute. (B-O.D. 5*0
PALESTINE REVOLT 305
CXXXVII.
YAPAKHI to king of Egypt. Y.'s younger brother
has joined the rebels in Mu(ru ?)khazi, Y.
asks for instructions. (B.O.D. 50.)
Labai sends in his version of affairs.
CXXXVIII.
LABAI to king of Egypt. The king's soldiers behaved
. as enemies. (B.O.D. 61.)
CXXXIX.
LAB'AI to king of Egypt. Excuses attack on Gazri
(Gezer) because the people had taken property
of L. and Milkilim. The king sent to Bin'
sumya. (R.P. xvii. 78.)
Milkili we see to have been in the service of Egypt
by the following :
CXL.
MILKILI to king of Egypt. Acknowledges letter,
asks for troops. (B.O.D. 63.)
CXLI.
MILKILI to king of Egypt. M. announces bringing
a despatch. (S.B.A. xi, 371.)
CXLII. *
MILKILIM to king of Egypt. M. and Suyardata
have enemies; asks for forces to protect themj
desires that Yankhama be questioned.
(R*P. xvii. 80.)
n 20
3 o6 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Suyardata was another of the Egyptian allies
originally.
CXLIII.
SHUARDATA to king of Egypt. S. is carrying out
orders. (B.O.D. 69.)
CXLIV.
SHUARDATA to king of Egypt. S. has sent all his
soldiers to the Egyptian army, and also girls
and a dragoman to the king. (B.O.D. 67.)
CXLV.
MILKILI to king of Egypt. M. receives orders, and
has obeyed them. (S.B.A. xiii. 325.)
CXLVI.
MILKILI to king of Egypt. The enemy has come
against him and Suyardata.
(S.B.A. xiii. 326.)
CXLVII. ^
MILKILI to king of Egypt. Yankhamu has carried
off M.'s wives and children. Desires chariots
and soldiers to protect them. (B.O.D. 62.)
The last letter oY Ebed'tob shows that even the South
was lost.
CXLVI II.
EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. Milkilim and Suar-
datum join forces of Gazri (Gezer), Gimti
(Gimzo), and Qilti" (Keilah), and occupied
Rubute (Rabbah). Land gone over (?) to
PALESTINE REVOLT 307
Khabiri. King- still has Urushalim, city of
the temple of Uras, whose name is Shalim.
(R.P. xvii. 72.)
One letter remains from a hopeless queen, who
evidently belonged to the South.
CXLIX.
URASMU ... or NIN'UR-ZIKARI to king of Egypt.
The country is exposed to the khabbati (plun-
derers or Bedawin), who have sent to Ayaluna
(Ajalon) and Zarkha (Zorah) . . , two sons of
Milkilim. The sender is queen of Zapuna.
This completes the letters containing allusions which
enable them to be connected with others. Other letters
may here be mentioned in order to complete the cata-
logue. All with names are addressed to the king of
Egypt.
CL. Abdi-ashtati. Acknowledges letter. (6.0.0.34.)
CLI. Amakizi names theking's house before
city of As(or Dil)nate In
3rd year A. 's father did .... (S.B.A. xi. 385.)
CLII. Dagantakala. Father and grand-
father obeyed the king. (S. B. A. xiii. 327. )
CLI II. Dagantakala, asks for help. (B.O.D. 74.)
CLIV. Dasru. Report of peace. (S.B.A. xi. 327.)
CLV. Dashru. Acknowledges letter. (6.0.0.75.)
CLVI. Gesdinna. Report. (S.B.A. x. 496.)
CLVII. Khumyapiza (? Namyapiza, letters 50,
82, 125, 134). Reports his arrival
with his troops. (S.B.A. xi. 333.)
CLVIII. Nampipi or Khuzam. Report. (S.B.A. x. 493.)
CLIX. Pidas of Oilbarlugil ? Report. (S.B.A. x. 491.)
CLX. Zidri'ara. Acknowledges letter, a*d
performs orders. (B.O.D. 76.)
CLXI. Zinarpi. Report. (S.B.A. x. 499.)
GLXII. From.*. Names city of Biduna. (S.B.A. x. 498.)
CLXIII. From x of Gubbu, who sent soldiers to
the king's army. (B.O.D. 78.)
CLXIV. Fragment naming Sid(?)nina a king. (S.B.A. x. 517.)
3 o8 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
CLXV. x to Nabkhurriya. x conferred with
Mimmuriya .... 14 pieces of
crystal of the mountain .... 4
papyri. (S.B.A. xi. 383.)
CLXVI. From x. refers to Napkhurriya and
Mimmuriya. (M.A.F. vi. 311.)
CLXVII. From x. Acknowledges orders, and
sends tribute. (B,O.D. 81.)
CLXVIII. From x. Received 200 pieces of silver
(obscure). (S.B.A. xi. 375.)
CLXIX. From^r. Complaint of army exactions. (S.B.A. xi. 369.)
CLXX. From x to y, x is accused, and asks
y to refer his case to the king for
trial.
CLXXI. From x. A fragment.
CLXXII. From x. Broken ; the burden of each
sentence is " The king my Lord my
sun god," like Ps. cxxxvi. (S.B.A. xi. 364.)
CLXXIII. Mythological text about a plague
demon. (S.B.A. xi. 386.)
Fragments of dictionaries and letters. (P.A. 36.)
(B.O.D. 79.)
(S.B.A. xi. 372.)
FORMS OF EGYPTIAN NAMES.
Amanappa Amen 'em 'apt 55, 58, 96,
98, 99, 101, 108
Amankhatbi Amen'hotep 73
Amantna Amen'mery 55, 67
Ammunira Amen'ra? 103-105
Dudu Tutu (tomb 8 T. A.) 50,
52, 54 81
Khamasi Kha'em'uas n, 12
(tomb Memphis)
Khapi Hapi no
Khaip 88
Khayapa 95
Khaya 66
Khatib Hotep 52, 71, 81, 83, 84,
90
Khuri = Nap 'khu *riya 3
Manakhbina Men'kheper'ra ' 86
Manakhbiya Men'kheperu'ra 28
Miya'riya Meryra no
(tomb 4 T. A.)
Nab'khur'riya Nefefkheperu'ra 127,
128, 165
Nap-khuTiya < 166
Nap'khura'riya Nefer'kheperu'ra 9, etc.
Nap'khuru'riya ,, 12, 47
Nip'khurri'riya ,, 17
Mim'mur'iya Neb'maafra 9, 12, 165,
Nim'mur'iya ,, 5, etc.
Nimufriya ,, ^.^ i
Nip'mua'riya ,, 4, 13
Pakhanati Pa'kha'en'ta (?) 94
Pakhamnata ,, 93
Puru Pa'ari 126, 134
(tomb Thebes)
Rianappa (Amen) Ta'en 'apt 119, 120
^ ( Suta(tomb 19 T. A.)
Suta 1 -j 18.46, tia
V (or Suti (tomb 15 T.A.)
Shuta I 97
Shuti J 18
Teie Tyi 9, 10, n
Yankhamu (?) 69-71, 97, 99, 115-118,
J 4 2 *47
Yatibiri Hotep'ra 115
(The references given to tombs at Tell el Amarna,
etc., are to illustrate the names at this period, but are
not necessarily of the identical persons.)
INDEX OF PERSONS
309
INDEX OF PERSONS.
(For Egyptian kings see previous list.)
Abanappa
Assur'yu'ballidh 27
Iddin'adda 89
(v. Amanappa)
Ayab 116
Ugi 75
Abbikha 74
Aziru 50-54, 67, 70,
Ilumilku - 79, 113
Abdashirta 56, 58,
71,78-86,88,90-92,
Ilurabikhur 92
59, 64-66, 69-72,
107, 127
Irsappa i
78,85,89,94,96-98,
101-103, 106, 107,
Balgarib 73
Balumme 47
Irtaba 14
Isuyaor Yishuya 116
109, 150 (?)
Bayawi ) 118
Itagama (v. Aitu-
Abdi-milki 89
Beya j 119, 123
gama)
Abdirama 89
Bikhura 88, 89
Itamagapapiri 79
Abdisullim 76
Bilti'ilu 40
Kallimmasin 13,
Abi'milki, or
Binaddu 40
14, 15
Abisharri 75, 78,
Binana 40
Karaindash 16
79, 85, 87, 89
Binili 40
Khabi 85
Adad'dayan 119
Bininima 1 16
Khaip 88
Adad'puya 40
Binsumya 139
Khamasi 11, 12
Adai 134
Binzicldi 40
Khamu'niri 102
Addalim ... no
Biri 71, 93
Khanni ) 7, 12, 35,
Addamikhir 1 32
Biridi or Biridashyi
Khanya j 62, 90
Addu 'itlu 1 24
129-131, 133
Khapi no
Addu'kinumma 119
Bitil 90
Khatib 52, 71, 81, 83
Addu'nirar 28
Buadda 120-122
84,90
Aduna 91
Bubri 10
Khaya (v. Khaip) 66
Aitugama 41,
Burnaburyash 16,
Khayapa 95
91, 128, 133
Akhidhabu 47
*7 18,47
Da ) ,
Khumyapiza 157
Khuzam ? 158
Akiya 30
Dasarti \ 6 *
Kistunizizanni 13
Akizzi 137, 138
Dagantakala
Kurigalzu 17
Amakizi 151
15 2 > J 53
Labai "\ no, 114,
Amanappa 55, 58,
Dasha 128
124, 126,
96, 98, 99, 101,
Dashru 154, 155
Labapi V 130, 132,
1 08
Dudu 50, 52, 54, 81
1 134, 138,
Amankhatibi 73
Dushratta 4-12
Labaya J 139
Amanma 55, 67
Ebed'asherah
Liya 62
Ammunira 103-105
(v. Abdashirta)
Mada 62
Amurhadad 40
Ebed'ip 40
Mani 5, 6, 7, 10
Anati 40
Ebed'tob no, 112-
Mania 62
Arad'ashirta
114, 126, 134, 148
Melekh'mi ... 70
(v. Abdashirta)
Edugama (v. Aitu-
jjVlilkilim no,'
Artama'shamas 39
gama) 41
124-126, 134, 139-
Artash'shumra 4
Gesdinna 156
142, 145-149
Artatama 1 1
Gilukhipa 4
Mi} r ariya no
Arzai 1 26
Gilya 5, 6, 9, 1 1
Mutadda 1 16
Arzauya 128, 133
Assurnadin'akhi 27
Gulati 123
H. see A.
Nakharamassi 6, 7
Nampipi ? 150
DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
Namyapiza ) 45, 46,
or [79,124,
Namyaitza ) 133
Nimmakhi 62
Nin'ur'zikari 149
Nisag 1 1
Pakhamnata 93, 94
Pakhura 57
Palasa 91
Paluma 62
Pauru (v. Puru) 134
Pidas 159
Pirizzi 10
Pirkhi 4
Pisiari 62
Puru 126
Rabimur
(v. Rib'addu) 91
Rianappa 119, 120
Ribaddu 55-6i
64-72, 88, 89, 95-
103, 105, 107-109
Salmasalla 68
Saratum (v. Zurata)
47
Sarru (Saratum ?) 62
Shakhshikhashi (?)
Shatiyi 34
Shibtiadda 117
Shumandi 35-38
Shuta 97
Sidnina ? 164
Sindisugab 16
Sitatama 1 1
Suilagiti 1 24
Sukharti 14
Sumadda 47~49
Suta 1 8, 464 112
Sutarna 5, n, 29
Sutatna (v, Zatadna)
Suyardata 1 14,
142-144, 146, 148
Suyarzana 73
Tadukhipa 8, 9, 10,
II, 12
Tagi no, 125, 126
Tarkhundaras i
Tarkumiya 70
Teie 9, 10, 11
Tiuyati 128
Tunipipri * 4
Turbazu 112
Tuya 62
Umeatu 10
Urasmu . . . 149
Yama 43
Yanazni 102
Yankhama 69-7 1 ,
97 99n5-:J 18, 142,
147
Yapa'addu 55, 64,
67, 69-71, 97
Yapakhi 135
Yaptikh-addu 112
Yashdata 129, 132
Yatibiri 115
Yidya 31-33
Yikhbil'khama
113, 126
\ ishuya or Isuya 1 16
Yivana 56
Yum 9
Zakara 13
Zatadna 44, 46, 47
Zi . . . an 2
Zidriara 160
Zimrida in Zidon 64,
77;79 85 J >n La-
chish in, 112
Zinarpi 161
Zirdamyasda 46
Zitana(s;. Zatadna) 40
Zurata 47, 132
INDEX OF PLACES AND TRIBES.
Abdeh(is S. Tyre) 130, 133
Toran?(io W.Tiberias) 116
Akka 44, 46, 47
Acbzib (8 N. Akka) 58
N. Syrian coast 20-26, 67
I mm (21 . Antioch) 40,
91, 128
101, 95, 72, 68
6, 98
Upper Orontes 50, 51, 58,
62, 64, 66, 67, 71, 94, 96,
97, 99, 105
Artusi (9 N^S. Tripoli)"
68, 91
Arvad, Ruad 66,85
i
Ashteroth (29 E. Tiberias)
116, 33
151
Askelon 33, 134
Abitu
Aduri
Akku
Akzabu
Alasiya
Am
Ambi
Ammi or Ammiya (E. of Simyra)
59, 9t, 92,
Amurra
Aram
Ardata
Arvada
Arzawa
Ashtarti
Asnate
Asqaluna
Aup
Avanu
Aveti
Ayaluna
Azzati
Barrabarti
Belnatban (?)
Bicluna
Biruta
Bitilim
Bitsani
Aven, Haiyan
Bethel)
(7;. Abitu)
Ayalon
Gaza? Azotus?
S.E.
124
130
"5
59
ii4
162
Beyrut 66, 67, 103-105,
108, 109
Betbel ? 116
Beit Shenna<4 S.E. Gimzo)
no
Bene baraq (5 E. Joppa) 124
Bozrah 133
Danian (13 S. Tyre) 79
159
Burqa
Buzruna
Danuna
Dilbarlugil?
Gagaya
Gatum
Gazri
Ghezer
Gilu 73
Gimti Gimzu (14 S.E. Joppa) no, 148
INDEX OF PLACES
Gina Jamah (7 W. Bethel) 124
Murukhazi ? 137
Gitirimuna Gathrimmon 124
Gizza Giscala, Gish (22 S. E. Tyre)
Musikhuni 29
Nariba Nerab (2 E. Aleppo) 91
128, 133
Ni, Nina ( E. of Aleppo) 8, 86, 92, 128
Gubbu Gapa?(i2 S. W. Hamah) 163
Gubla Gibla (i 4 S. Laodicea) 57,
Nukhassi (around Aleppo) 28, 40,
52-54, 81-84, 90, 128
59, 62, 67, 91-93, 96-981
Pitazzi 122
100-1031 105-107
Puruzilim 102
Guti-kirmil Gath ' no, 112
Qatna Katma? (23 W.N.W.
Hamor(?) 114
Aleppo) 127
Ibilimma Ibleam 116
Qideshu Qedesh (22 S. E. Tyre)
Igaid i
Inuamma Yanuh (7 E. Tyre) 133
Irqata Arkas (14 E.N. E. Tripoli)
79, ja8, 133
Qidsa Qadisha (Tripoli) 62
Qelte Keilah no, 1x4, 148
63-64, 91
Rubute Rabbath (6 N.E. Beit
Kannishat 17
Gibrin) 119, 126, 148
Karduniyas (Babylonia) 13-18
Kasi (Babylonians) 68, 69, 72, 134
Rukhizi
Samkhuna Semekhonitis (Mcrom) 48
Kelte (v. Qelte)
Sankhar 22
Khabiri Hebronites no, 112, 113,
Sawa ... 71
134, 148
Serdani Shardana 57, 59
Khalebu Aleppo 6
Seri Surah (6 S.E. Gath) 112
Khalunni Golan < 133
Shaddu 133
Khanigabbior) (E. Cappadocia) 6, 13,
Khani rabbatu I 27
Shanku Shakku (10 S. W. Tripoli) 63
Sigata Tell Saukat(i6 S. Laodicea)
Kharabu El Khurab ? (n E. Joppa)
68, 72, 95, 98
124
Khatti Hittites i, 2, 3, 4, 40, 41,
Sunama Selmeh?(3 E. Joppa) 224
Suti = Satiu Bedawin 27, 45, 57, 89, 136
69, 70, 79-84, 86, 90, 91
Takh ... 129
127, 128
Tambuliya Zambul (22 E. Tripoli) 67
Khayini 116
Tarkusi 70
Khazati Gaza, Azotus ? 110.126
Timasgi Damascus 128, 133
Khazi Tell Kussis (8 N.W.
Tisa ... 61
Megiddo) 73
Tsumura (v . Zumuri)
Khazur Hazor(i3S.E. Tyre) 75, 76
Khinatuna Kanatha 47, 132
Tsurri Tyre 56, 59, 60, 85, 87, 97, 123
Tumur Tumrah?(7 N.JK. Gaza) 119
Khinianabi 116
Tunip Tennib (18 N. Aleppo)
Kideshu (v. Qideshu)
82-84, 86, 90
Kinanat 128
Tusulti Teiasir?(nN.E.Shechem)
Kinanna Canaanite 79
73
Kinakhkhi 47, 62
Uduma Adamah (5 W.S.W. Ti-
Kunakhau ,, 17
berias) 116
Kinza Hanezi (43 W. Aintab) 41
Kukbi 74
Ugaritu 13, 60, 79
Ullaza 68, 71, gc, 94
Kumidi 69, 88, 89, 133
Urushalim Jerusalem no, 134, 148
Lakisha Lachish in, 112, 134
Urza Yerza ? (i i N. E. Shechem)
Lapana Elbin (20 W.S.W. Aleppo)?
X2X
128
Usteru ... 73
Lukki Lykians 26
Uzu Hosah (6 S. Tyre) 75, 85
Lupakku 40
Yapu Joppa 115
Magdali Magdalim 73
Yarimuta 50, 67, 69-71, 97, 98, 107
Magdalim Magdala (3 N. Tiberias)
Yibliya 68
74, 116
Zapuna 149
Makhzi . . ti 73
Zarak 70
Mankhate Wady Menakh ( 7 S. Gezer)
119
Zarkha Zorah(tx W.Jerusalem) 149
Zarqizabtat Kaphar Sabti (7 W. Ti-
Martu (v. Amurra) 61, 82, 84
*berias) 116
Megiddi Megiddo 46, 129-132
Melukhkha 56, 71
Ziduna Zidon6z,66, 67>7577~79>5
Zilu Zelah (N. Jerusalem) 112
Mestu Mushtah (14 W. Tiberias)
Zinzar Shinshar(ii S. Horns) 128
116
Ziribasani Bashan 39
Mitanni (E. of Karkemish) 4-12, 68,
69, 72, 99
Zumuri ) Simyra 53, 56, 50, 61, 64,
or > 65, 67-72, 80 (fallsX 85,
Mitana*nanu= Mitanni 70
Zemar ) 86, 88, 90-97, 99, xoi
3 i2 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
NOTES ON THE IDENTIFICATIONS OF PLACES.
Heb. Hebrew ; Gr. Greek ; Italics, modern names.
Most of the proposed identifications of names with
sites in the foregoing: index are based strictJy on
geographical indications. The sense of each narrative
letter was followed as closely as possible ; and, after
the positions were marked, all the letters were read over,
using the map as a scheme of positions, and tracing
the relations indicated, to make certain that no diffi-
culties were involved in the proposed arrangement.
Far more reliance is placed on position than on any
exact details of transliteration, though none of the
forms here suggested are unlikely modifications. That
the transliterations were not strictly philological, is
proved by the variable forms of the same name. I here
make notes on such names as need observation ; many
are commonly agreed on, and many others cannot be
identified at present.
ABITU was apparently near Tyre, being named with
Gizza. Abdeh is in a likely region for this.
ADURI was in the Tiberias region, in which Toran
lies ; this is not satisfactory, but is the nearest -modern
name,
ALASIYA is entirely a coast region, the Egyptian Alosa,
for all the references are to commerce and shipping,
and nothing is said about the surrounding peoples,
who were cut off by the Pierian mountains. The
north end of the Syrian coast agrees with all the
indications, but Cyprus has lately been suggested.
AM is a district in the north. It was taken by the
Khatti, and lay north of Tyre and Damascus. Imm,
Gr. Imma, is the main city of a populous region, 21
m. E. of Antioch and within reach of the Khatti. Kinza
also, in the far north, attacked Am.
AMMIYA is a district which is not the same as Am, as
both occur separately in one letter. It is placed be-
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS 313
tween Irqata and Ardata, and was not very far from
Sigata. There is no indication of the name in later
sources.
AMURRA were a people whom Aziru and Abd'ashirta
ruled over, before beginning to conquer Syria. In
some tablets this region is named as Martu, a variant
form of the name. Reports on Amurri are sent from
Zumuri. The Amurri attack Gubla early in the war ;
they drove a refugee to Qidsa (Tripoli), and took Gubla.
All this limits them to the hinterland of Gubla and
Zumuri. If, as seems likely, these people are the same
as the Amar, conquered by the Egyptians in the XlXth
and XXth dynasty, it would seem that they were
pushed down Syria by the advancing Khita.
ARDATA is apparently not the same as Arvada ; and
from its linking between Irqata and Zumuri (94) it is
probably the neighbouring port of Orthosia (Gr.),
ArlusL
ASHTARTI was over the Jordan, by its link with
Bozrah and Damascus. Probably it is Ashteroth
(Heb.), Ashtarah\ or else the neighbouring city of
Ashteroth-Karnaim.
AVANU, Heb. Beth-aven. This is not Bethel, for
Ai was beside Beth-aven on the east of Bethel (Jos.
vii. 2). Aven, Avanu, can hardly be other than
Haiyan, 2 m. E.S.E. of Bethel.
Azz ATI is usually considered-- Khazati, and both the
same as Ghuzsteh, Gaza. It would be tempting to
suppose some confusion between Gaza or Azzah (Heb.)
and Ashdod or Azotus. Khazati being stated as west
of Gimti, and being taken by the Gimtites, would point
rather to Azotus than to Gaza.
BITSANI is linked with Guti and Gimti, apparently
close to the latter. This points to its being Beit
Shennct) 4^ S.E. of Gtmsu. ^
BURQA is doubtless Benebarak, being linked with
Giti-rimuna.
BUZRUNA is Bozrah, as the king joins a party at
Ashtarti to chase a fugitive to Damascus.
DANUNA is near Tyre, as Abisharri sends news of it
3H DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
While he was besieged. It is clearly Danian^ Heb.
Danyaan, the natural stronghold on the top of Ras
Nakura (the Hor-Nakura of the Egyptians), which is
the southern boundary of view from Tyre, 16 m.
distant.
GIMTI is usually rendered as Gath ; but as in one
letter the men of Guti, Gath, are said to have taken
Gimti, the two names must refer to two places.
Immediately after taking Gimti they were in Bitsani ;
and the close relation of Gimzo and Beit Shenna
(4^ m. apart) points to these being the places in
question.
GINA is near Avanu, and therefore is Janiah, 7 m. W.
of Bethel.
GITIRIMUNA is Gathrimmon (Heb.) which was close
to Joppa (Jos. xix. 45).
GIZZA was near Tyre, and was raided along with
Abitu, apparently by the party returning from Bashan.
This points to its being Gish, Gr. Giscala, 22 S.E. of
Tyre.
GUBBU may be Tell Gapa> 12 S.W. of Hamah^ but is
probably a misreading for Gubla.
GUBLA. This most important place has always been
supposed to be Gebal, Gebail y Gr. By bios. There is,
however, another coast city, with a name slightly; closer
to Gubla, namely, Gabula (Gr.), Gibleh y 14 T. of
Laodicea, The question between these two sites is
fixed in letter xcviii., where Ribaddu has lost Sigata
and was then shut up " like a bird in a cage," showing
that Sigata was close to Gubla. Within two miles
of Gabula is the outlying fort Tell Saukat, which is
manifestly Sigata, and thus fixes Gubla to the northern
site,
GUTI has always been assigned to Gath, to which all
indications ag*r%3.
INU'AMMA is the Egyptian Ynuamu (or Yanu of the
Amu, Syrians), which is almost certainly Yanuh, Heb.
Yanoah, 7 m. E. of Tyre.
IBILIMMA, named at the end of the Galilean towns,
must be Ibleam (Heb.).
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS 315
IRQATA near Zumuri is plainly Arkas, Gr. Arke, 14
E.N.E. ofTripolis.
KHABIRI means only "the confederates/' They were
in Judea and pressed from the hills down into the
plain ; the name points therefore to Hebron, though, of
course, the confederates may not have already settled
at Kiriath-arba so early. Hebron was so named be-
tween the time of Abraham's visit and the Exodus.
KHALUNNI was near Ashtarti and Buzruna. This
brings it to Golan ; and though Khalunni would
normally form Holan ('Alem), yet as there is some
variation in what seems to be the forms of this name,
Golan for the city and region, and 'Alldn for the river
traversing it, Khalunni may well represent the original
name, which has been modified to Golan and 'Alldn by
later peoples.
KHATTI are doubtless the same as the Khita of the
Egyptians, the Hittites. They occupied at this time
the mountains, were leagued with Kinza, were above
Nukhasse and Tunip, were in Nukhasse and went on to
Tunip and Martu, and were allied with Nariba. All
this points to their being beyond all the other peoples
named, and gradually pushing southward.
KHAZI is Khazay of the Thothmes lists, fixed by that
at Tell el Kussis, 9 N. W. of Megiddo.
KINZA, which was leagued with the Khatti in attack-
ing the northern district of Am, is probably Hanezi y
43 W. of Aintab.
KHINATUNA was on the road from Karduniyas in
Babylonia to Egypt. It must be on the east side of
Syria, therefore. Messengers were there attacked by
chiefs of Samkhuna and Akku, which shows that it was
about Bashan. It agrees, therefore, with Kanatha
(Gr.), Kanawat) which is sufficiently near the cunei-
form.
KINANNA, Kinakhi, Kunakhau, are forms of the
well-known Canaanite. Amurra was in Kinakhi, and it
included Daiiuna and Kanatha. All this points to a
large region, from the upper Orontes down to the
Jordan, and from the coast across to Bashan.
3 i6 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
LAPANA, near the land of Am, is probably Elbin, 20
W.S.W. Aleppo.
LUKKI are a people who professed alliance with the
maritime Alasiyans in the extreme north coast, and
were repudiated as being objectionable. This leaves
no doubt that they are the Luka or Lykians, who appear
as sea-rovers during* the next two dynasties.
MANKHATE was in the region of Gazri and Rubute ;
the Wady Menakh between these places (7 m. S. of
Gezer) preserves the name.
MARTU was the home of Aziru, otherwise called
Amurri. It is named next to Nukhasse and Tunip ; and
after the Khatti were in Nukhasse, they went into
Martu, and ravaged Tunip. So it must be close to
Tunip and between Nukhasse and Gubla ; the same
region that we reach by the limitations of Amurri.
This region (marked on map) contains a series of place-
names in Mart ; Marata (two), Martaban, Mardib, and
Mardina.
MISHTU is in the Tiberias group, and is doubtless
Mushtahy 14 W. of Tiberias.
NARIBA is mentioned with the Khatti, and is probably
JVerab, 2 m. E. of Aleppo. As a king of Nariba is
named, while the important site of Aleppo does not
appear in all the war, it seems likely that Nerab may
be the earlier site. "*"
Ni is fairly fixed by Egyptian inscriptions to about
the S.W. corner of the Euphrates, opposite to Aleppo.
Nina is probably the same name.
NUKHASSI was an important kingdom ; the king was
appointed by Tahutjnes III.; it was early in touch with
Aziru of Amurri ; liable to invasion from the Khatti ;
lay between the Khatti and Tunip and Martu ; is named
before Ni and Zinzar ; and the people joined Aziru in
taking Zumur. r , This shows that it lay E. and N. of
Tunip and Martu, and extended to the Amurri. It
cannot, therefore, be Anaugas named by Egyptians
near Tyre.
QATNA was in the north, raided by the Khatti. It
may therefore be Katma> 23 W.N.W, of Aleppo.
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS 317
QIDESHU is named by Abisharri of Tyre as fighting*
against Namyapiza, who fled from Bashan to Damascus.
Qedesh (Heb.), Qades> near Lake Merom, 22 S.E. of
Tyre, agrees closely to these condition.
QIDSA, another of the many holy cities, was a refuge
from the Amurri, and is referred to from Zidon when
writing about Gubla. The name has been preserved in
the Nahr Qadisha^ which points to Tripoli having been
a Qedesh before its Greek name was imposed.
RUBUTE, from its linking with Gazri, Gimti, and
Qelte, is the Rabbah, 6 N.E. of Beit Gibrin.
SAMKHUNA was allied with Akku ; and the name is
exactly preserved in Semekhonitis or Samokhonitis, a
Greek name for Lake Merom. Evidently a city Samo-
khon was on that water, and the name lingers in
the Wady Samakh^ which flows into the east of the
lake.
SERDANI appear as a people in the Egyptian interest ;
probably, therefore, the Shardana mercenaries from the
Mediterranean, who later formed the bodyguard of
Ramessu II.
SERI was on the hills east of Guti ; this is probably
Surah) on the ridge, 6 S.E. of Gath ; or possibly Surah,
Heb. Zorah, on the hills, 10 N.E. of Gath, which,
however, appears here otherwise as Zarkha.
SHANKU, near Irqata, is perhaps Shakku^ 10 S.W. of
Tripolis.
SIGATA, close to Gubla, is Tell Saukat, 2 S. of
Gibleh.
SUNAMA was close to Joppa, and is probably Selmeh,
3 E. of Joppa ; just as Shunem has become Sulem.
TAMBULIYA (or TUBULIYA elsewhere) was near Zumur,'
and was attacked by Aziru. It agrees closely to Zambul^
22 E. of Tripolis.
TUMUR was near Mankhate, Gazr^, and Rubute ;
probably Tumrah^ 7 N.E. of Gaza.
TUNIP agrees in all respects to the modern Tennib^
18 N. of Aleppo,
YARIMUTA was certainly on the coast, and therefore
not Yarmuth (Heb.). The site is unidentified.
3i8 DECLINE OF EGYPT IN SYRIA
ZARKHA linked with Ayaluna is doubtless Zorah
(Heb.), Surah) n W. of Jerusalem.
ZARQISABTAT is a compound name ; as it belongs
to the Tiberias group, it is probably Kefr Sabt> Gn
Kaphar Sabti, 7 W. of Tiberias.
ZILU is probably Zelah (Heb.), an unknown site N.
of Jerusalem.
ZINZAR, between Ni and Kinanat, agrees in position
and name to Shmshar, 10 S. of Horns.
GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS
3'9
TT I
SYRIA.
UNDER *
AMENHOTEP f
FIG, i6a, Syria under Amenhotep IV.
3 20 SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY
THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE SYRIAN
CAMPAIGNS.
THE long* list of the names of conquered places given
by the monuments of Tahutmes III., Ramessu III.,
and Sheshenq, beside various lesser records, have been
studied by several authorities. The first impulse under
Mariette and Brugsch was to care little for geographical
relation, and to adopt forcible changes and inversions
in the spelling, if a resemblance to well-known and
important names could be thus produced. Their main
principle was the presumed importance of the sites
named. Maspero gave much more weight to the geo-
graphical order, and refused arbitrary alterations in the
names. Conder proposed many new and probable
identifications. Tomkins endeavoured to make more
complete identifications of sites throughout, placing
more reliance on similarity of name than on position.
Max Mutter was far more critical on the exact phonetic
equivalence, but did not much use the geographical
positions. As these writers came to very different
results in some parts, it is desirable to re-examine the
matter afresh with Jtheir various conclusions before us.
The first consideration is, from what materials these
lists have been compiled, and what lies behind the
monumental series of names. That the Egyptians had
regular maps from which an artist would read off the
places in order, is very unlikely, when we see the rude-
ness of the portions of maps which have been preserved
to us. It would rather be from the papyrus records or
cuneiform correspondence of the campaigns that the
lists would have been compiled. These records would
UNDER TAHUTMES III 321
recite the . main course of the army, and the various
lesser expeditions for plunder or punishment in thi
remoter parts of the country. Hence we should not
expect to find an unbroken series of names, threaded
in the neatest order ; but rather a series of short lists,
two or three of which might often radiate from one
centre, and which might double back or cross one
another. In treating the whole long list, then, we
ought to find groups of several connected names ; but
we should be prepared for sudden breaks from one
region to another, where one list ends and another
begins.
The equivalence of the Egyptian names with those
found in Hebrew or in modern Arabic is a very difficult
question, from its vagueness and the many uncer-
tainties of it. No doubt, in carefully transcribed and
carefully preserved names, a ^thorough system of equi-
valence between hieroglyphs and the Semitic alphabet
can be rigidly traced. But the fact of such a precise
system existing must not lead us to ignore the many
other sources of variation and change that affect the
question. It is as well to specify these causes of differ-
ence, as they have not all been noticed.
(1) Original mutability of the name often exists. In
the present day there is the hard and the soft gim side
by side ; the g or the hiatus for 'am, also together ;
the perversion of gim into shin (as in wug) 9 and of k
into soft ch (chef or chelb), inversions of syllables (as
in beta and tebd, and even in place-names), and other
variations, which are often enough to make two equally
correct ways of writing a name appear very different.
(2) The errors of scribes in hearing and transcribing
must certainly have affected the names. When we see
the mistakes of Englishmen in writing foreign names of
a new country, or, still more, the wild mistakes of the
Norman scribes of Domesday Book ?n writing" Saxon
names, although they were living in the place for their
business, and used almost the same alphabet, how
much more in hasty military reports, drawn up in a
totally different system of writing, may we credit the
II 21
32* SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY
scribes with making strange errors. The variability
of spelling of some often - recurring words as in
the Sheshenq list shows how little precision was
sought.
(3) Our other versions of the names may often be
altered from what they were in Egyptian days. The
aboriginal forms have probably undergone some altera-
tion in passing from Amorite into Hebrew or Arabic,
How many different races were in the land at the
Egyptian invasions we do not know, but their language,
if Semitic, was certainly neither the Hebrew nor Arabic,
through which we have the names preserved.
1 (4) Corruption of names by sheer wear as Woking-
ham to Oakingham, or Brighthelmstone to Brighton, or
Alexandria to Skandria is a frequent change ; and
corruption by making sense of a name whose origin is
forgotten is even commoner, as in Kentish Town,
Leatherhead, Pepperharrow, Leghorn, the Campidoglio,
or Hierosolyma.
Considering, then, the chances of alteration in names,
we should give the more weight to the clue that we
have in the sequence in the lists, and trust to that if
any passable form of the name can be found in the
correct order of place. The principle of tracing a
Hebrew root-meaning for the Egyptian form l^strict
equivalence, and then requiring that Semitic root in
the modern name, is excellent in theory ; but as, in
practice, two or three entirely different roots are often
proposed for one Egyptian form, this shows how little
real certainty there is in such a process, and how
readily fictitious results may be gained. This system,
moreover, ignores the sources of error (2), (3), and (4),
which we have just noticed.
In determining the line of route of the lists, but little
weight can be given to the presence or absence of
common topographical terms, such as Am, a spring ;
Mejdely a tower; Shuweikeh^ thorny place; Neqb, a
valley ; Gennein or Ganat, gardens ; Abel or Aubela^ a
meadow; Hagarim^ apparently stone- walled fields/ etc*
Such names may easily vanish from their ancient places,
UNDER TAHUTMES III 323
or be introduced, according as specific names or descrip-
tive generalities are more in use.
We will now proceed to consider the list of Tahutmes
III. of 119 places in the Upper Ruten country, or Pales-
tine. Three versions of this exist on his monuments,
and have been published (M.K. 17-21). In these trans-
literations G is used for the basket k> and F for the
square /, as such is the constant usage in the forms of
the Semitic names in this list. Where our present
conclusion differs from that of previous writers, it is
marked *. Egyptian names are in capitals, and modern
Arabic in italics. Positions are indicated by the dis-
tance and bearing from well-known places or the last-
named site.
1. QEDSHU, named first, as being the most important con-
quest, KadaSy near Lake Horns on the Orontes.
2. MAGETY, Megiddo, el Lejjun, 19 miles S.E. of Haifa.
3. KHAZAY, TellelKussis,*9N.W.ofLej;un.
4. KITSUNA, Kuddasuna in cuneiform, Tell Keisan* 13 N.
of Kussis.
5. 'AN SHIU, now plural Ayun Shain* 16 S.E. of Keisan, 3 E.
of Nazareth.
6. DEBKHU,Tubikhucun., Tabghah? i6N.E. of Ayun Shain,
on N.W. of Sea of Galilee. Or Jebel Tubakat, 17
N.N.E. of Ayun Shain.
7. BEM'AY, possibly Baneh, 10 W. of Tubakat.
8. KAM ATA, perhaps Kama, 8 E. of Nazareth.
9. TUTYNA, Umm Tuteh ? 17 N.E. of Akka.
10. LEBBANA, Lebbuna, 13 N.N.E. of Akka.
11. QERET'NEZENA, Kureiyeh ? 8 E. of Umm Tuteh.
12. MARMA, Lake Merom, or Marun t 4 E.S.E. of Kureiyeh.
.This circuit of places northwards through Galilee is
evidently connected, and is perhaps continued south-
ward in 20-27, tne Damascus road (13-19) having been
inserted at the most northern part.
13. TAMESQU, Dimeshq> Damascus.
14. ATARU, Daraya,* 5 S.W. of Damascus.
15. AUBIL, AbXkf-MtyAMt 14 N.W. of Damascus.
SWfW DM
SOUTHERN SYRIA
NAMED* CAMPAIGNS
TAHUTMES III
WITH ROUTE CONNECT*
FIG. 163. Map of Southern Syria.
SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY UNDER TAHUTMES III 325
16. HEMTU, not found on this road, but perhaps brought in by
confusion of the other E. Jordan road of Hamath to
Abila.
17. AQIDU, 'Ain Yakut? pass on the Lebanon, 20 S.S.E. of
Beirut.
18. SHEM'ANAU, Beshamun* 7 S. of Beirut.
19. BAARUTU, Beirut*
This line is the best road from Damascus to Beirut
for slow transit or a large body, as it is better watered
than the modern road on a ridge. These places are on
the direct line of this old road.
20. MAZNA, Madiny Madon, 5 W. of Tiberias.
21. SARUNA, Sarona, 6 S.W. of Tiberias.
22. TUBY, Tubdun* and well, 12 S.W. of Sarona,
23. BAZNA, Bessum ? i N. of Sarona.
24. A'ASHNA, EshShuni* joS.E. of Sarona,
25. MASAKH, Mes-hah, 3 S.W. of Sarona.
26. QAANAU, waters of Qana by Megiddo in campaigpi.
27. A'ARUNA, Aaruna in campaign, Ararah ? 7 S.W. of Lejjun.
This group brings us from group 2-12 back to
Megiddo, from which we " started. There seems to
have been a garrison at Sarona making sorties in
various directions, which form the group 20-25. The
site of Megiddo at el Lejjun or Tell el Mutasellim y and
not at el Mujedda, is proved by the campaign, and the
relation there to Taanakh.
28. ASTARTU, Tell Ashterah, Ashteroth Karnaim, 21 E. of
Sea of Galilee.
29. ANAU-REFAA, Rafah, Raphon, 9 N.E. of Ashterah.
30. MAQATA, Migdad* 4 N. of Rafah.
31. LI US A, Laish, Dan, Tell el Kady^ n N. of Merom.
32. HUZAR, Khazura cun., Hadireh> 6 W. of Merom.
33. FAHEL, Pella, Fahil, 18 S. of Sea of Galilee,
34. GENNARTU, Khinneroth, about Tiberias.
35. SHEMANA, Sebana* 3 W. of Magdala.
36. ATMEM, Admah, 5 S. of Sea of Galilee.
37. QASUNA, Qishion* of Issachar, about the head of river
Kishon.
38. SHENAMA, Shunem, Solam, 7 S. of Nazareth.
326 SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY
39. MASHAL, Meseliehy 15 S. of Shunem.
40. AKSEF, t AfMk,*-g S.S.W. of Jeba.
41. GEB'A-SU'AN, Geba,/*fo, 6 S.W. of Meselieh,
42. TAANAK, 72**, 4 S.E. of Megiddo.
43. YEBLAMU, Ibleam, Yebla t * 17 E. of Megiddo.
44. GENTU'ASNA, En Gannim, Jenin, 11 S.E. of Megiddo.
" The Gardens of Asnah " (a man's name ; Ezra ii. 50).
45. RETA-'AREKA, 'Arrakeh, 6 W. of 'Jenin.
46. A'AYNA, Anin, 3 N.W. ofArrakeh.
47. A'AAG, 'Atfeh, 7 S. of Arrakeh.
48. RUSH'QEDESH, "The holy hill" = any hill sanctuary;
possibly Kudeis on hill of Shechem.
49. GELIYMNA,/*/0*tA, 9E.S.E. ofMe^iddo.
50. BAR, Bireh* 13 E.N.E. ofjelameh.
51. SHEMASH-ATUMA, Shemsin, 6 N. of Sire Ji.
52. ANUKHERTU, Anaharath, m Naurah, 9 S.W.
53. 'AFEL, elFuleh, 5 W. of ^ Naurah.
54. 'AFEL, el'AJvleh, i W. of el Fuleh, 7 E. of Megiddo.
55. KHASHBU, Khasabu cun,, el Kusdb, 5 W. of Megiddo.
56. TASURET, Tusulticun., Taasur, now 7V^/r, n N.E, of
Shechem.
57. NEGEBU, "a pass" in the hills, Wady Beidan* ? N. of
Shechem.
58. ASHU'SHEKHEN, "Plain of Shekhem."* Ashedah, the
plain below hills, or place of streaming out, woukLbe a
root familiar to Egyptians as Ash, effusion, and there-
fore shortened to Ashu.
59. LENAMA, en Nahm, 13 N. of Shechem.
60. YERZA, Yersteh, 11 N.E. of Shechem.
This group, 28-61, begins by crossing the Jordan
into Bashan, 28-30 ; .thence striking N.W. round the
head of the Jordan, 31 ; from 32 a branch expedition
goes down the east of Jordan to Pella, while the main
line goes south through Samaria to 40, and returns to
Meg-iddo (41-42)^ Another expedition from Megiddo
goes out east to 43, and back by a south circuit, 44, 45,
46. Then another expedition goes south to 47, and
perhaps even to Shechem, 48 ; then up north to 49 and
on to 50, returning by 52, 53, 54 to Megiddo. Khashbu
(55) seems to be an isolated foray. Then another
UNDER TAHUTMES III
327
expedition strikes out to Shechem and the eastern
region, 56-60. The manner in which the line of these
names recurs to the Megiddo region shows that though
that city is not named (having appeared before), it was
the garrison centre of these several raids, the records
of which are strung together to form the list. Leaving
Megiddo, the next itinerary is southward.
$i. MAAKHASA, el Maghazun, 14 N.E. of Joppa.
62. YEFU, Yafa, Joppa.
63. GENTU, " gardens "of Joppa.
64. RUTHEN, LUTHEN, has been proposed at Ludd, n S.E.
of Joppa.
65. AUANAU, Aunu, Heb. Ana, 7 E.S.E. of Joppa.
66. AFUQEN, PeqiAin, between Yabneh and Ludd, Talmud.
67. SAUQA, "thorny place," a common name,
68. YEHEMA. There were mentioned probably two, and
there now are three places of this name ; as it is a very
important key position, it must be cleared up. It
occurs here between Joppa and Migdol ; but in the
Tahutmes III. campaign (p. 104) it is certainly near
Megiddo, and just at the required place on the road is
the name Yemma, 17 S.S.W. of Megiddo, before enter-
ing the hills. Therefore we can equate . . YEHEMA
= Yemma, 17 S.S.W. of Megiddo, and Yemma, 6 S.S.W.
of Tiberias = Jabneel ; . . Jabneel, Jamnia, or Ye&na& 9 *
13 S. of Joppa = YEHEMA.
These equivalents prove that Yehema has changed
into Yemma, Yebma, Yebna, Yamnia, and Yabniel.
And the position of Jamnia is exactly in the right place
to agree with the list,
69. KHABAZANA, a compound name by its length, Butani*
8S. of Jamnia.
70. GENTHU, gardens," by Migdal.
71. MAGTAL, Migdal, Mejdel, 13 N.N.E. of Gaza.
72. AFTHEN, Fatuneh, 15 N.E. of Migdal.
73. SHEBTUNA, Shebtin, 9 E. of Ludd. %
74. TAY, Atya* ? 19 E.N.E. of Shebtin.
75. NAUN, Naaneh, 7 E. of Jamnia.
76. HUDITA, Haditheh, 3 E. of Ludd.
77. HAR, "a hill."
78. YESHEFAR, es Suajir, 7 E.N.E. of Migdal, Shaphir,
328 SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY
79. LEGAZA, "unto Gaza."* The position next to Gerar
shows the name to be about this region, and Gaza is
properly written in this manner. The particle le t
"unto, "has been accidentally retained in transcribing
from the bulletin, or from a road list, like the Antonine
itinerary prefix of Ad.
80. GERURU, Gerar, Jerrar, 6 S. of Gaza.
Si. HARAR, Abu Hareireh* 7 S. of Gerar, up large valley.
In these groups, 61-81, we have the circuits about
Migdal, like the previous expeditions around Megiddo.
First is the line down from Megiddo to Migdal, 61-71.
Then an expedition north-east into Dan, or perhaps
Ephraim, returning by nearly the same line, 72-78. It
must be remembered that often an isolated site of small
importance may occur (such as Atya, 74) far ahead of an
expedition, when a body of the enemy were chased and
at last caught in some small village, the action and the
capture of which gave it a place in the annals. The
record of Chalgrove and Quatre Bras has no relation to
their size. Objection has been made to 78 being es
Suafir, on the ground that it would be more closely
rendered Yusef-El, a place of the god Yusef. If so, it
has been proposed that it be Yasuf> 23 N. of Jerusalem,
and in that case the itinerary ends out in Ephraim
without a return line to Migdal. The next itinerary,
79-81, is, however, from Migdal, through Gaza to
Gerar, and on up the important Wady esh Sheriah to
Hareireh, 81.
82. REBBAU, Rabbah, Rubba, 23 E. of Migdal.
83. NUMANA, Deir Naman, 9 N.W. of Rubba, 12 E. of
Ashdod.
84. NAMANA, Arak Naman, i N. of Deir Naman.
85. MALEMAM, Urn m el Hemam, i S. of Deir Naman.
86. 'ANI, 'Ana, 3 N. of Arak Naman.
REHEBU, erRohban* 5 E.N.E. of Ana.
~ ti, 4 E.
AQAR, Agir, Ekron, 4 E. of Jamnia.
89. HAYGERYM, 'Am el ffejeri, 4 S. W. of Hebron.
90. AUBAL, " a meadow."
91. AUTAR-A'A, Autar the Great, Adoraim, Adora, Dura,
W.S.W. of Hebron.
92. AUBAL, "a meadow,"
UNDER TAHUTMES III 339
93. GENTHAU, "gardens."
94. MAQEREFUT, Maqor (Heb.), Majur, "reservoir," of
Rafatf 10 S.S.W. of Hebron. (Majur appears in this
district 5 W.S.W. of Hebron.)
95. A'AYNA, " a spring."
96. QAREMAN, Carmel, Kurmul* 7 S. of Hebron.
97. BATYA, supposed to be Beth Yah. Hebron * is in the
right position in the series, and an altar of Yahveh was
there in early times : so Batya may be Hebron.
98. TAFUN, Taphon, Tuffuh, 5 W.N.W. of Hebron.
99. AUBIL, "a meadow."
100. YERUTA,/?Kfctf,* 4 E.N.E. of Hebron (for Y changing
to J, see Yotapata = Jefat).
101. HALKAL, Halhul* 2 N. of Hebron.
These two itineraries may well belong to the expedi-
tion which we last saw coming 1 round from Migdal up
the Wady esh Sheriah eastward ; a party on such a
line might well divide, and while, one half pushed
through by Rabbah to Ekron, 82-88, the rest might
scour the hill country ridge in the sites 89-101.
102. Y'AQEBAAL, Ikbala? 6 W. of Jerusalem. '
103. QAFUTA, Kefrata*? 3 E.N.E. of Gezer.
104. QAZIRU, Gezer, y<?#r, 16 S.E. of Joppa.
105. REBBATU, " a chief city."
106-7. MAQELTU A'AMQU, Wady el Miktely* 7 E. of
Gezer.
108. SARUTA, Sim,* E. side of Wady el Miktely.
109. BAARUTU, Beeroth, Bireh* 10 E. of Sim.
no. BAT'SHAR, Beth-sura, Beit Sur* 4 N. of Hebron.
in. BAT-ANTA, Beth-anoth, Beit Ainun, 3 N.N.E. of
Hebron.
U2. KHALQETU, Kilkis* 2 S.S.W. of Hebron.
113. 'AN-QENA, 'AinelQana, i N.W. of Hebron.
114. QEB'AU, Jibia, 16 N.N.W. of Jerusalem (or Jeb&* 7
N.N.W. ofShechem).
115. ZERER, Jerir* 13 N.N.E. of Jerusalem (or Jerrar* 8
S.S.W, ofMegiddo.
116. ZAFTA, Suffah* I N.W. of Jibia (<* Zebdah* 4 S. of
Jerrar).
117. BERQENA, Berukin* 6 N.W. of Jibia- (or Burkin, 9
BERQENA, Berukin* 6 N.W. of
S.S. E, of Megiddo).
HUMA, ffamid*? 4 N.E. of Gimzo.
1 1 8.
119. AGTAMES . . or AGMES . . Gimzo, Jimxtu*? 15 S.E.
of Joppa.
33
SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY
FIG. 164. -Map of Northern Syria.
UNDER TAHUTMES HI 331
These three lists may perhaps be only two, the
section 110-113 having been inserted in the middle;
for Jibia, 114, is only 7 miles N.N.W. of Bireh, 109.
Hence there may be one line from near Jerusalem
going" west to Gezer, then turning back and going
north to Bireh, 109 ; Jibia, 1 14 ; and on to Berukin,
117, whence it turns back to Jimzu, 119, on the return
to the centre at Migdal. If this be so, the Zafta, 116,
cannot be the Zefta of the annals, which was near
Megiddo ; or, if the latter be adopted, some of the other
names, 114-117, may be reasonably grouped in the
same region, as entered above in parentheses. The
group of four names, 110-113, is well established by
the close relation of these places. This section has
probably been transposed with 102-109 J as > if reversed,
the Hebron group continues naturally from 101, Halhul,
to no, Beit Sur close by ; while 109 joins to 114, as we
have noticed.
The general scheme of the original documents which
were drawn upon to form this long list, appears to
have been as follows :
2 to 12. From Megiddo northward about Galilee.
13 to 19. Damascus-Bey rut road inserted at the most northern
part.
20 to 27. Return route from 12 south to Megiddo.
28 to 42. Across Jordan and back round the north to Megiddo.
43 to 46. From Megiddo to east and south, and back to
Megiddo.
47 to 54. From Megiddo to south and east, and back to
Megiddo.
56 to 60. From Megiddo round Shechem region.
61 to 71. From Megiddo to Migdal.
72 to 78. From Migdal to north-east, and back to Migdal.
79 to 81. From Migdal to south and east into hills.
82 to 88. Part of army from hills across to Ekron.
89 to 101, 110-113. R est of army around the Hebron ridge.
102 to 109, 114-119. Up to Jerusalem region, working west,
then north and east, and ba&c to coast region,
return to Migdal (?).
Such seems to be the structure of these lists when
examined in the obvious light of their being edited
from a series of military reports. Their relative order
33 2 SYRIAN GEOGRAPHY UNDER TAHUTMES III
may not necessarily be the order in the history ; but it
would be very reasonable to take it as such, knowing 1
that Megiddo was the first centre of operations, and
seeing that Migdal, on the road to Egypt, might
well be the centre of later operations in the south
country.
The lists of places in Northern Syria are far less
certain, as our knowledge of the country is so poor.
Some connections may be traced with more or less
probability, and they are indicated by the map, though
tliey scarcely need to be here discussed.
THE SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY 333
RELATIONSHIPS OF THE SEVENTEENTH
DYNASTY.
FOR the obscure period of the rise of the Egyptian
power against the Hyksos oppression, we have but
little material to guide us. Few names remain, and
the order and relationship of those is very uncertain.
Two tombs at Thebes of officials (sedem ash em ast
maat) attached to the service of the royal tombs,
provide the best information we have ; though, as the
rows of figures of kings and princes whom they adored
is not professedly in chronological order, and as they
lived four or five centuries after those kings, the
material is not satisfactory. We may first notice the
structure of these tomb lists. Both tombs have an
upper and a lower row of seated figures, each one with
a cartouche, adored by the official. Anhur'khau
(L.D. iii. 2d), in the upper line, records Amenhotep I. ;
behind that king is his father and father's mother
(Aahmes and Aah'hotep) ; and then his brothers and
sisters (Meryt'amen, Sat 'amen, Sa*amen, Kames,
Hent'ta'meh, all known as such), Turs and Aahmes,
probably also sisters, and Sa'pa'iri, his brother. In
the lower line are the founders of dynasties, Nefertari
of the XVIIIth, Ramessu I. of the XlXth, Mentuhotep
III. of the legitimate part of the Xlth dynasty; then
Amenhotep I., Seqenenra, Uazmes, Ramessu IV. (the
reigning king) (blank), and Tahutmes II. Thus the
order has no obvious meaning in the latter part. In
the other tomb, Kha-bekht (L. D, iii. 2 a) records in the
upper line Amenhotep L, next his mother (Nefertari),
and then, presumably, her father and mother (Seqenenra
334 ROYAL FAMILY OF
and Aah'hotep), after whom come a row of Amen-
hotep's brothers and sisters. In the lower line come
the two founders, Mentuhotep III. and Aahmes ; next,
Se*khent*neb'ra and Uaz'kheperra ; and then a line of
princes and royal wives, who are probably the brothers
and sisters of those who precede them.
Such a general structure of these lists is closely in
accord with that of the lists on family tablets ; first the
parents, then grandparents and ancestors, and then a
row of brothers and sisters or children. Not a single
known fact of relationships in this dynasty disagrees
with this presumed system here ; and therefore, in
some cases where we know nothing about the relation
of the persons named, we may accept this scheme as a
probable clue. The results indicated to us by this view
of the lists are (*feminine) :
PARENTS OF BROTHERS AND SISTERS CHILDREN OF
NEFKRTARI. OF AAHMES AAHMES.
Se'qenetiYa g>/ Uaz*kheper*ra Amenhotep I.
* Aah'hotep. c -j S'khehf neb'ra *Meryf amen
52 [Aalrmes *Safamen
Bin'pu Sa'amen
Uaz'mes *Ka'mes
Ra'mes (or Sat'ka'nviS)
Keirniraru *Hent'ta'meh
Aah'mes *Turs
*Ka'mes *Aahmes
*Safiri*bau Sa'pa'iri
*Ta-khredqa *Ta'iri
(mother, Kasmut)
(Note. .The childreh of Aahmes often compound " Aahmes "
in their names.)
In only one point do these conclusions vary from
these already staged by Professor Maspero, in his elabo-
rate study of the mummies of Deir el Bahri. On the
strength of the name of Sat'kames, the daughter of
Aahmes and Nefertari, he supposes that Kames was
probably her grandfather, and therefore father of
Nefertari; whereas here, on the strength of the
THE SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY 335
position of Seqenenra and Aah'hotep next after
Nefertari, it would seem likely that they were her
father and mother.
From the stele of lufi (Rec. ix. 92) it is certain that
Aah'hotep was mother of Aahmes L, and hence
Aahmes and Nefertari were of the same mother. But
yet we cannot suppose them to have had both parents
alike ; Aahmes is always (except once) shown of the
same colour as other Egyptians, while Nefertari is
almost always coloured black. And any symbolic
reason invented to account for such colouring applies
equally to her brother, who is nevertheless not black.
As Nefertari was specially venerated as the ancestress
of the dynasty, we must suppose that she was in the
unbroken female line of descent, in which the royal
succession appears to have been reckoned, and hence
her black colour is the more likely to have come
through her father. The only conclusion, if these
points should be established, is that the queen
Aah'hotep had two husbands : the one black (the
father of Nefertari), namely, the celebrated Seqenenra,
who was of Berber type (Ms. M. 528) ; the other an
Egyptian, the father of Aahmes and his elder brothers,
Kames and Skhentnebra, which explains why those
three kings are separated from the other children
of Aah'hotep by her husband Seqenenra, and placed
in a different line in the tomb of Khabekht.
Now Aahmes was rather over fifty when he died
(Ms. M. 535), and he reigned 25 years ; hence he was
about 25 to 30 years old when he came to the throne.
As there is but little memorial of the reigns of , his
presumed brothers (see above), Uaz'kheper'ra and
S'khent'neb'ra, they are not likely to have reigned for
30 years between the death of Seqenenra and accession
of Aahmes. Hence it is probable that her Egyptian
husband, the father of Aahmes, preceded her black
husband, Seqenenra, the father of Nefertari. Two
other reasons appear for Nefertari being the daughter
of Seqenenra, and not of his son Kames: (i) as
Seqenenra died at about 40, and Kames probably
3 3 6 THE SEVENTEENTH DYNASTY
reigned but a short time, his daughter would be rather
too young to be the great queen of his brother,
Aahmes I. ; (2) as Nefertari's daughter was named
Aah'hotep, it is more likely that her mother was
Aahhotep and not her grandmother, as names were
repeated usually in alternate generations in Egypt.
It is needful to enter thus fully on this family history
if we are to obtain any results ; but for the less
important members of the family we merely notice
the occurrence of their names, and refer to the discus-
sion by Maspero (Ms. M. 615-639) as the best state-
ment known about them. When in the preceding
details we have ventured to vary slightly from that
memoir, it is not with any dogmatic assurance, but only
to show the possibility of an alternative view which
may be preferable in a doubtful detail.
THE MUMMIES OF DEIR EL BAHRI 337
THE MUMMIES OF DEIR EL BAHRI.
As we have frequently referred to this deposit of
mummies, we here give an outline of its history.
The tombs of kings as well as private persons were
continually liable to be plundered by unscrupulous
thieves ; what we now find are but the last leavings
of a hundred generations of incessant pillage. Such
robbery began even during the life of the workmen who
had been employed upon the construction ; and though
royal tombs were cared for by priests and officials, yet
they were not secure from attack. In the i6th year of
Ramessu X., a special commission investigated the
state of the tombs, owing to various reports being
spread as to their violation. They found, however,
only one tomb opened, out of ten between the Xlth and
XVIIIth dynasties ; but two others had been attacked,
though unsuccessfully. The disorders of the close of
the Ramesside period made the question more pressing ;
the officials, despairing of the safety of so many
scattered and out-of-the-way tombs, gave orders to
bring some of the royal mummies into the great tomb
of Sety I. for safety (Ms. M. 551, 557, 560). This
must have been done by the tunnel at the back of
the tomb, now choked up, as the proper entrance was
intact when opened by Belzoni. Hence this tunnel
must lead through the cliff to the Deir el Bahri. The
successive renewals and removals took place as follows,
according to the endorsement of the scribes upon the
mummies and the coffins :
Pasebkhanu I.
6th year, Paophi 7. Herhor renewed wrapping of Sety I.
6th Phamenoth 15. Herhor renewed wrapping- of Ram-
essu II.
338
THE MUMMIES OF
Pasebkhanu
13th year,
Pasebkhanu
1 7th year,
Sa'amen
6th year,
6th
7th
8th
8th
i6th
i6th
i6th ,,
i6th
Amenemapt-
7th year,
loth ,,
I. (or Sa'amen)
Pauni 27.
I.
Phamenoth 6.
Phamenoth 7.
Pharmuthi 7.
Khoiak 8.
Phamenoth 29.
Phamenoth 29.
Pharmuthi u.
Pharmuthi 13.
Pharmuthi 17.
Khoiak 13.
Mekhir 9.
Pharmuthi 20.
loth ,, Pharmuthi 20.
Painezem I. restored mummy of
Ramessu III.
Painezem I. removed Ramessu II.
and renewed his wrapping in the
tomb ofSety 7.
Painezem I. restored mummy of
Tahutmes II.
Painezem I. renewed wrapping of
Amenhotep I.
Painezem I. moved mummy of Sat'
kames.
Painezem I. moved mummy of prince
Sa'amen.
Painezem I. moved mummy of
Aahmes I.
Masahart renewed wrapping of Amen-
hotep I.
Sety I. taken from his tomb to the
tomb of Anhapu.
Ramessu II. taken from tomb of Sety
/. to tomb of Anhapu.
Ramessu I. taken from tomb of Sety /.
to tomb of Anhapu.
Menkheperra re-wrapped Sety I.
Sety I. moved into tomb of Amen-
hotep I.
Ramessu II. moved into tomb of
Amenhotep I.
Sa'amen is here treated as not being the same as
Herhor ; the names of the officials sufficiently prove
this ; and we see it also in Ramessu II. being in Sety's
tomb under Painezem I., while he was removed from
that place under Sa'amen.
For the discussion of the XXIst dynasty, and the
assignment of the dates in the above reigns, see S.B.A.
xviii. 56-64.
We see hfcre how the bodies were shifted into
Sety's tomb ; then again to the tomb of Anhapu ;
yet again to the tomb of Amenhotep L ; and
lastly, though unrecorded, they, were all carried into
the burial-place of the priest -kings of the XXIst
DEIR EL BAHRI
339
dynasty/ There they remained until, about twenty
years or more ago, the Arab dealers found the tomb, and
gradually drew out one object after another for sale.
By the arrest of the sellers in 1881 their secret was by
threats and they say force as well wrung from one
of them, and the confused mass of a dozen kings and
queens of the XVIIIth-XIXth dynasties, many royal
children, and a large part of the family of the XXIst
dynasty, together with such portions of the funeral
furniture of the various persons as had survived the
many removals of the bodies, was all brought to the
museum at Cairo. The list of personages is as follows,
with the pages where the remains are described in
Maspero's " Momies Royales de Deir el Bahari"
(M.A.F. i. 4).
XVII. 7? Seqenen-ra III.,
Ta*aa*qen
Raa, nurse of
queen Nefertari
An hap u, queen
XVIII. i. Aahmes I.
Nefertari
XVIII. 2. Amenhotep I.
Sa'amen, infant
Sat 'amen, infant
Seniu, keeper of
palace
Merytamen
mummy and coffin
coffin
mummy
mummy and coffin
mummy and coffin
mummy and coffin
mummy and coffin
false mummy and
coffin
coffin, re-used
(Priestess of
Amen, XX. dyn.
Sat'kames
Hent'temehu,
dau. of Tent-
hapi
Mes'hent'temehu, false
mummy and re-used
coffin
coffin, re-used
mummy
mummy and coffin
infant
Aah'hotep II.
XVIII. 3. Tahutmes I.
XVIII. 4. Tahutmes II.
XVIII. 6. Tahutmes ILL
Poisoned prince
mummy
coffin
coffin
/coffin
\mummy
mummy and coffin
mummy and coffin
mummy and coffin
and
p. PI.
526 iii.
530
53
533 v.a
535 y.a
536 iv. b
538
539
539
540
543
544
545 v * b
581 vii, viii. b
54S vii. viila
548 ix.
340
THE MUMMIES OF DEIR EL BAHRI
XIX.
I.
Ramessu I.
mummy and
lid
55 *
XIX.
2.
Sety I.
mummy and
coffin
553
xi. a, xiii.
XIX.
3-
Ramessu II.
mummy and
coffin
556
xi. b, xiv.
-xvt.
XX.
I.
Ramessu III.
mummy and
coffin
563
xvii.,
xviii.
a
XX.
zo.
Ramessu XII. (?)
mummy
568
Khaemuas
XXI.
z.
Nezemt, queen
mummy and
2 coffins
569
xix. a
XXI.
2.
Painezem I.
mummy
57o
XXI.
3-
Masahart
mummy and
coffin
5?i
vi. b
XXI.
4-
Painezem II.
mummy and
coffin
57 *
Zed'ptah'auf*
mummy and
2 coffins
572
ankb
Nebseny
mummy and
coffin
574
xviii. b
Henftaui
mummy and
2 coffins
576
xx. a
Makara and
2 mummies
and i
577
xix. b
Mut'envhat
coffin
Ast'envkheb
mummy and
2 coffins
577
vi. c
Hatet, altered
2 coffins
578
for next
Tayuhert
mummy and
2 coffins
578
Nesikhonsu
mummy and
2 coffins
566,
578
Nesi'ta'neb'
mummy and
a coffins
579
xx. b
ashru
ADDITIONAL NOTES
I owe the following- notes about the tombs at Thebes, etc., to
Mr. Percy Newberry, who has seen the proof-sheets of this
volume.
Page 39, line 3. Huy tomb at Drah abul Negga.
,, 41, ,, 28. Bak was a son of a keeper of cattle of Nefertari.
Tomb, Qurneh.
,, 44, base. Cone of Tahuti, priest of Aahmes (M.A.F.
viii. 15).
,, 68, officials. JBak, chief steward, cone (M.A.F. viii. 15).
priests. Mut y priestess, in tomb of Ka'em'her'ab'sen,
Qurneh.
Neferhotep(^B.m. II.). Tomb of Khonsu, Qurneh.
,, 69, line 10. And in a tomb at Hieraconpolis (B.E. 243).
,, 78, ,, 13. Sen'men was an official of princess Nefenrra,
named in Senmut's tomb (M.A.F. viii. 16).
,, 90, ,, 19. Base of black granite statue of Senmut found at
Deir el Bahri (N.D.B. i. 19).
,, 90, ,, 23. A third glass bead was bought at Luxor (New-
berry).
95> !5 At Qurneh are tombs of Hapusenb, 3rd kherheb
of Amen, of Anna, and o* x, an overseer of
works of great obelisks.
,, 164, ,, 21. Amenken's wife was royal nurse.
Tombs at Qurneh of Neb'en'kemt, palace
keeper ; Tahuti'nefer, treasurer ; Amenemapt,
vizier ; Mery, high priest of Amen.
34* ADDITIONAL NOTES
Page 164, line 30. Mentuhotep, kherheb under Ram. II. Tomb of
Khonsu, Qurneh.
,, 172, ,, 12. Ry> chief of engravers. Tomb, Qurneh.
Sebekhotep, chief of Fayum. Tomb, Qurneh.
Ta, keeper of cattle, Ram. II. Tomb, Khonsu,
Qurneh.
,, 173, base. Meryt, nurse of royal children. TombofSebek-
hotep, Qurneh.
,, 198. A menemapty keeper of palace. Tomb. Qurneh.
,, 200. Nebamen. Tomb, Qurneh.
229. x, overseer of workmen, Tomb, Assassif.
INDEX
Names of persons and places in Syria ivhich only occur on the
cuneiform correspondence^ -will be found separately indexed on
pp. 308-311.
The references here in thick type show the beginning of the principal
account of each royal person.
AA, 39.
Aah-hotep I., i, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9.
Aah'hotep II., i, 3, 34, 42, 43,
46, 52, 54 333 334, 339-
Aahmes, K., i, 2, 3,^7, 9, 13,
20, 25-29, 34, 333, 334.
Aahmes, monuments, 34.
mummy, 37, 338, 339.
,, worshipped, 38.
,, family, 41.
Aahmes, Q., i, 46, 54, 59, 69,
5 333-
Aahmes, Q., portraits of, 70.
Aahmes, princess, 5, 6, 333,
334-
Aahmes, general, 21, 30, 34, 35,
45,46,61.
Aahmes, official, A, 198.
, B, 225.
Aa'kheper'ka, 68.
Aa'kheper*ka*senb, 68.
Aamathu, 140.
Aanen, 198.
Aaruna, 105, 106.
Aata, Hyksos, 23, 35.
Abeha, 180.
Abhat, 181.
Akenkhres, 25-29.
Akhenaten (see AmenhotepIV.),
25-2^, 205.
,, portraits, 208, 209,
213, 217, 224, 230.
chang-e of type, 211.
conversion, 211.
hymn to Aten, 215.
length of reign, 219.
monuments, 220.
tomb, 220.
ushabti, 222.
in early style, 224.
family, 229.
in cuneiform, 308.
Akhenuthek, 181.
Akherres, ^5-29.
Akina, 181.
Alisphragrnouthosis, 20, 25-
29.
Amen proscribed, 212.
,, reinstated, 236.
Amerrem ant, 127, 141.
348
344
INDEX
Amen'envapt, A, princess, 165.
B, 39.
C, 341.
D, 198.
E, 225, 308.
Amen 'em 'hat, officials, 45, 68,
101, 141, 163, 198.
Amen -em 'neb, 45, 123, 141, 163.
Amen'envka, 141.
Amen'envmeruf, 141.
Amenhotep I., i, 3, 10, 25-30,
34, 38, 42, 43,
54 55> 333)
334-
festivals, 32.
,, monuments, 45, 50.
head of, 47.
, , history of, 46.
mummy, 50, 338-
339-
Amenhotep II., 25-29, 32, 54,
55 S^, ?8, loo.
,, monuments, 152,
I5 ?' ,
youth of, 153.
,, and nurse, 154.
,, portrait of, 156.
,, statue of, 1 60.
,, scarabs of, 162.
Amenhotep III., 25-29, 56, 57.
monuments, 174,
I8 7". ,
portraits of, 177,
184,186,188,202.
,, and his ka y as
children, 178.
,, dated events of,
178.
,, lion hunting, 180.
marriages, 181-3.
,, length of reign,
1 86, 208.
,, associates his son,
186. *
,, tomb, 187.
,, funeral temple of,
192.
,, adored, 202.
,, " family) 202.
in cuneiform, 308.
Amenhotep IV. (see Akhen-
aten), 25-29, 177,
205.
,, marriage of, 18?,
186, 207.
,, associated, 186,
187, 208, 210.
,, dates of, 207, 210.
,, portraits of, 208,
209, 213, 217,
224, 230.
,, upholds the Aten,
210.
,, in cuneiform, 308.
Amenhotep, officials, 44, 46, 68,
69, 171, 173, 188, 197, 198,
223, 308.
Amenhotep, son of Hepu, 192,
196.
Amen'ken, 163, 341.
Amen 'niery, 308.
Amen'mes, prince, 46, 52, 53.
Amen -mes, \ officials, 46, 141,
223.
Amen'nekht, 198.
Amen'nekhtu, 46.
Amenofis, 25-29.
Amenofthis, 25-29.
Amen 'user, 141.
Amersis, 25-29.
Amesses, 25-29.
Amorites, 229.
Amos, 25-29. -
Amu, invasion by, 19.
captured, 123, 124.
Amukehak, 47, 48.
Amunzeh, 141, 199.
An, nurse of Hatshepsut, 95.
Anaugasa, 102, no, 117, 120.
Anay, 38.
Ancestors, chamber of, 130.
Anebni, 78, 95.
Anhapi, 35, 43, 338-9.
Anhur, 164.
Anhurkhaui, 39, 42, 46, 333.
Anhur'mes, 199.
Aniy, 225.
Ankhefenamen, 46.
Ankhsenamen, > 207, 232,
Ankhs *en 'pa 'aten, > 235.
INDEX
345
Anna, 78, 341.
Anrathu, 114.
Antef, 141.
Antoninus, 131.
Anui, 226.
Anukhenti, 35, 47, 62, 73, 157.
Apepa II., 17.
,, tale of, 17.
Apis tombs, 189, 245, 252.
Apiy, 226.
Apthentha, 181.
Apuy, 226.
Arat, 170, 174.
Arem, 118.
Arerpaq, 181.
Armais, 26-29, 250.
Armour, suit of, 122.
Aroana, 119.
Arqahtu, 122.
Arseth, 155.
Art of Akhenaten, 219.
,, changed by Syria, 150.
Artist from Syria, 109.
,, sculpturing-, 171.
,, painting, 204.
Arurekh, 120.
Arvad, 101, 102, 113, 114, 310.
Asi (Cyprus), 102, 118, 120,121.
Assassif, 131.
Assuru tribute, 112, 181.
Ast, 39.
queen, 72.
,, princess, 177, 203.
Aten worship, 184, 211-218, 251.
,, upheld by Amenhotep IV.,
210.
,, cartouches, 212.
hymn, 215.
,, duration, 236,
Aten 'neferu boat, 184, 211.
Aten'nefer'neferu, 210, 230.
Ater'tnaiu, 181.
Aty, queen of Punt, 83.
Aururek, 181.
Auta, 204, 226.
Auy, 341.
Avaris, 21, 22, 35.
Axe of Aah'hotep, u.
,, of Kames, 14.
Ay, 25-29, 226, 233, 240.
Ayhatab, 181.
Azenunian, 181.
BAHESHEKU, 141.
Bak, 226, 341, 341.
Bakenkhonsu, 199.
Bakta, 142.
Baktaten, 177, 203, 227.
Battle of Megiddo, 107.
Beba'ankh, dagger of, 16.
Berber type of Seqenenra, 4,
Betehamen, 39.
Binpu, 7, 13, 334.
Birth-ring of Tahutmes III., 100.
Birth-scarab of Amenhotep II.,
162.
Birth-scarab of Amenhotep III.,
T 95-
Boat, golden, of Kames, 12.
Bows from Syria, 119.
Bull's head vase, 121,
CAMPAIGNS, records of, 320, 331.
Canal of Aswan, 67, 135.
Canon of proportion, 138.
Captives (see Syrians), 22, 23.
Carmel, 101, 104.
Carnelian, artificially whitened,
51.
Chair from Syria, in.
,, of Hatshepsut, 92.
Chariot from Syria, 1 10.
,, of Kha'envhat, 179.
Chester, Mr. Greville, 92.
Chief of Tunep and artist, 109.
Chiefs "smelling the ground,"
109.
Chronology, 3, 25-33, 52-56,
60, 61, 1 86, 208, 219, 246.
Coffin of Seqenenra III., 8.
Aah'hotep L, 12.
Aahmes, 37.
Nefertari, 40.
Amenhotep I., 49.
Tahutmes I., 64.
Tahutmes II., 76.
Colonnade ofTahutmes III,, 129.
Amenhotep III.,
191.
INDEX
Colossi of Thebes, 192.
Constantinople obelisk, 132.
Corn imported into Egypt, 112,
115, 117-123, 149.
Coronation edict, 60.
Cows, sacred, 90, 91.
Cuneiform correspondence, 259-
3i9*
Cups from Syria, 1 14.
Dagger of Aahhotep, u.
Kames, 14.
Death mask of Akhenaten,
230.
Decline of Egypt in Syria, 259-
3*9-
Deer's head of gold, 120.
Deir el Bahri, mummy pit, 7,
337-
,, temple sculp-
tures, 82, 84,
85.
Dishes from Syria, in, 112.
Draughtmen of Hatshepsut, 93.
Duaheh, 95.
Dudua, 39.
Dushratta, 181, 187,309.
Duy, 168.
ECONOMIC state of Egypt, 149.
Education of Syrians in Egypt,
114, 185.
Egyptian taste changed, 150.
Egyptian type of face, 148.
Egypto-Syrian type of face,
149.
Elephant from Syria, 124.
Eshmunen, origin of XVIIIth
dyn., 15.
Ethics of Akhenaten, 218.
Ethiopian origin of XVI Ith
dyn., 4, 17.
monuments, 68.
,, expeditiofi of Tahut-
mes III., 103.
FALCHION, 122.
Fenkhu (Phoenicians), 36, 37,
7 101.
Foliage on column, 219.
Foundation deposits of Hat-
shepsut, 94.
Foundation deposits from Am,
126.
Foundation deposits of Amen-
hotep II., 161.
GAZA, 101, 104, 185, 311.
Genbetu, 115.
Gilukhipa, 177, 178, 181, 182,
203.
Glass of Tahutmes III., 139.
Gureses, 181.
170.
Hanebu, 72, 253.
Hanefer, 46.
Hapi, 308.
Hapusenb, 341.
Harakhti, 210, 223.
Har'nekaru (Ras Nakur^), no.
Harosheth, 155.
Hatet, 340.
Hatshepset Merytra, 78, 99,
143-
Hatshepsut, 25-29, 32, 52, 61,
7I ' 72 ' e ^
,, co-regency of, 66,
69.
monuments of, 79-
portrait, 80.
temple at Deir el
Bahri, 81.-
statues, etc., 91,92.
chair of, 92.
position in king-
dom 95,96
,, inscription hidden,
130, 170.
Hatuart (Avaris), 22, 35,
Haworth, Mr., 92.
Havt, 46.
Hebykhetf, 199.
Hek'erneheh, 165, 172.
Hent'mer'heb, 177, 203.
Henfta-meh, 35, 42, 43, 333-4,
339*
Hentta'mehu, 35, 42, 43, 339.
Henfta*neb, 177, 203.
Henftaui, 340.
INDEX
347
Henut'anu, 100, 145.
Herhor, 39, 337.
Herkhuf, 48.
Hermopolitan origin of XVIIIth
dyn., 15.
Hersekheper, 227.
Hery, 45.
Hm, contents of vases, 51.
Hor, 38, 199.
Horames, 142, 173.
Horemheb, K., 26-29, 131, 222,
223, 232.
,, monuments, 242,
246.
,, general and king,
244.
,, length of reign, 245,
251-
portraits, 245, 253.
Horemheb, official, A, 56; B.,
142, 165, 171, 199.
Hor'em*heb*pa*hor'ur, 256.
Horos, 25-29, 236, 250.
Hotep, 199, 308.
Hotepbua, 39.
Hotepra, 308.
Hui, 235.
Humai, 141.
Huy, A, 39; B, 218, 221, 227.
Huya, 203, 227.
Hyksos, expulsion of, 16-24, 35-
Hymn to Aten, 215.
IAIRNUF, 39.
Imadua, 142.
Isiemkheb, 140, 340.
luf, 38.
lufi, stele of, 10, 69, 335.
JAR of wine, 112.
Jewellery of Aah'hotep, 10-13.
Joppa, 185, 311.
Jug ot silver from Syria, 1 23.
KA as a child, 178.
Kaha, 46.
Kahu, 199.
Kallimmasin, 181, 309.
Kames, K., i, 2, 3, 7, 9, 12, 13,
20, 333 334-
Kames, princess, 7, 13, 334.
private, 10, 15.
Kara! n dash, 181.
Karduniyas, 311
alliance with, 1 81.
Kargui, 141
Karikamasha, 124, 181.
Kars, 46.
Kary, 158, 168, 181.
Kasa, 38.
Kasmut, 35, 43, 334.
Kedesh, 102, 103, 105, 114, 122,
124, 125, 181, 311. '
Kedet, 227.
Kedina, 181.
Kefa, 181.
Kefti, 1 1 8, 123, 157.
Kenamen, 142.
Kenaru, 7, 13, 334.
Kepni, 118.
Khabekht, tomb, 9, 13, 39, 42,
46, 333-
Khaemhat, head of, 199.
, , head of servant of,
150.
,, chariot of, 179.
Khaemuas, 142, 159, 164, 227,
308.
Khafra on Sphinx stele, 167.
Khalubu, 124, 311.
Kharu land, 105, in, 119, 227.
,, official, 141.
Khay, 200.
Khebres, 25-29.
Khebron, 25-29.
Khebtneferu, 54.
figure of, 71, 85.
Khent 'hen 'iiefer, 22, 62, 73.
Kherfu, 188, 200.
Khita, 102, 116, 122, 168, 181,
185,253,311.
Khonsu, 142.
Khonsuhotep, 256.
King's son, title, 68.
Kirgipa, 177, 178, 181, 182,203.
Kom el Hettan, 192.
Kurigalzu, 181.
Kush, 47, 62, 73, 118, 119, 121-
3 236.
INDEX
LIBYANS, 48, 229.
Lion's head of gold, 120.
Lotus flower group, 169,
MAA, 144.
Maat, 212.
Mahler, 31.
Mahu, A, 44 ; B, 227.
Maitariaa, 181.
Maiu, 181.
Makara, Q., 340.
Makautuash, 181.
Maktaten, 207, 231.
Manuareb, 181.
Map of approach to Megiddo,
104.
, , Syria under Amenhotep
IV., 320.
,, North Syrian towns,
33-
Marriages of Egyptians and
Syrians, 147, 181.
Marseille altar, 16.
,, forgeries at, 139.
Masahart, 338, 340.
Matnun, 181.
Matur, 181.
Mau'en'hequ, 141.
May, people, 181
May, official, 227.
Meframouthosis, 25-29.
Mefres, 25-29.
Megiddo, 101, 105, 107.
Mehpeni, 181.
Men, 200, 202.
Menaunu, 181.
Menkh, 69.
Men'kheper, 142.
Men'kheperra, 200, 201.
Men'kheperra'senb, 133, 141.
Mennus, 157.
Menofres, era of, 29, 33.
Mentiu of Setet (Bedawin of hill
country), 22, 35, 7$, 157.
Mentuhotep II., 33.
Mentuhotep III., 333, 334.
Mentuhotep, official, 342.
Merenptah, 26-29, S 2 *
Meriptah, 197,
Mermes, 200.
Mernebptah, 257.
Mertaten, 207, 221, 229, 231,
iwr 233 '
Mery, 200, 341.
Meryneit, 227.
Meryt, 342.
Meryfamen, 34, 38, 39, 42-44,
333 334 339-
Meryfptah, 100, 144.
Meryfra, 54, 72, 78, 99, 143.
Mesamen, 39.-
Mifris, 25-29.
Military oppression, 251.
Min, official, 157.
Mhvnekht, 239, 241.
Misafris, 25-29.
Misfraigmonthosis, 25-29.
Mitanni, 181, 185, 311.
Mummies, royal, 337-340.
Music school, 222.
Mut, 341.
Mufem'hat, 340.
Mufenvua, 173, 174, 192.
Mufnefert, Q., 46, 59, 71, 198.
bust of, 71.
NAHARAINA, 62, 102, 105, 116,
119, 122, 123, 124, 157, 158,
167, 181.
Names of places often per-
verted, 321.
Nanay, 227.
Napata, 156.
,, ram from, 194.
Narkihab, 181.
Nayu, 341.
Nebamen, 142, 342.
Nebankh, 170.
Neb'en'kemt, 341.
Nebmes, 39.
Nebnefer, 39.
Nebra, 39.
Nebseny, 340.
Nebsu, 38.
Nebta, 46, 57.
Nebfka'bani, 200, 203.
Nebtu, Q., 99, 144.
Nebua, '164.
Neby, 142.
Nefer'amen, 100, 145.
INDEX
349
Nefer-ay, 257.
Nefefem'hotep, 173.
Nefer'hat, 172.
Neferhebt'f, 164.
Nefefhotep, officials, 39, 68,
250,256,341.
Nefer'nefenraten, 207, 232.
Nefer'neferu'ra, 207, 232.
Nefer'pert, 36.
Nefer'renpit, 144.
Nefersekheru, 200.
Nefertari, i, 3, 9, "34, 38, 40.
black, 335.
Nefertiti, 207, 229.
-, origin of, 183, 209,
229.
,, portrait of, 182, 213,
217, 230.
Neferu'erhatf, 144.
Nefenrkhebt, 54.
figure of, 71.
Nefenrra, 72, 78.
bust of, 77.
Negeba, 123.
Negroes, 254.
,, and Asiatics, 249.
Nehi, 136, 142.
Nekht, 39, 46.
Nekht'pa'aten, 227.
Nekhtu, 46.
Neserna, 114.
Nesikhonsu, 340.
Nesi'ta'neb'asheru, 340.
Neta, 69.
Nezenvmut, 209, 232, 244, 250,
256-
Nezemt, 340.
Niy, 63, 116, 123, 124, 126, 155.
Nubian gods, 136, 159, 170.
Nubians capture animals, 159.
OASIS of Farafra, inscription,
Obelisks of Hatshepsut, 85-87.
of Tahutmes I., 67.
,, of Tahutmes III., 127,
131.
,, makers of, 134.
Oros, 25-29, 236.
Oxen drawing sledge, 37.
A, 38, 172.
Pa*amen, 46.
Pa'ari, 227, 308.
**"hebfc
Pafuenamen, 51.
Paheri, tutor of Uazmes, 52. ;-.
Painezem I., 64, 131, 338, 340".,
Painezem II., 340. '
Pakha, 225.
Pakhen, 77.
Palette of Seqenenra, 6.
Pa'nefu'emdu'amen, 39.
Panehsi, A, 39 ; B, 200 ; C,
227.
Pa'nehyamen, 159.
Panekht, 38.
Pa'nekhu, 201.
Pa*neter*hon, 200.
Pa'rohu, king of Punt, 83.
Pasar, A, 163 ; B, 200 ; C, 241.
Pasebkhanu I., 337, 338.
Pashed, 46.
Paynamen, 50.
Penaati, A, 50, 68, 77; B, 142.
Penamen, 46.
Penbua, 39.
Penbui, 39, 256.
Pendant of Tutankhamen, 237.
Pennekheb, 30, 34, 35, 45, 47,
62, 69, 73, 77.
Pen*ta'en*abtu, 39.
Pentaurt, 46,
Penthu, 228.
Pepy I., 33.
Perversions of names, 321.
Petahuha, 100, 144.
Petau, 157.
Petenra, 68.
Petpui, 100, 144.
Phoenicia, 101, 113.
Phoenicians, 36, 37, 101, 157.
Physiognomy changed in
Egypt, 148.
Piankhy, tyo.
Piay, 172.
Pillars, granite, of Tahutmes
III., 130.
Plunder of Syria, no.
Police, 227.
Priestess, head of, 151.
INDEX
. 181, 253.
,, nouses of, 84.
,, tribute of, 102, 117, 121.
QEDESH (see Kedesh).
Qen, 38, 39.
Qina, 107.
Queens transmitted royal rig-ht,
183, 209.
Quiver from Syria, 120.
RA, A, 37 ; B, 142, 162, 163.
Raa, 339.
Raentuy, 257.
Rahotep, 4, 308.
Ram of Amenhotep III., 194.
Ramery, A, 173 ; B, 228.
Rames, son Seqenenra, 7, 13,
334-
Rames, officials, A, 201 ; B, 201,
228; C, 210, 224, 228.
Ramessu I., 26-29, 33, 333, 340.
Ramessu II., 26-29, 32, 38, 337-
34
Ramessu III., 338-340.
Ramessu IV., 333.
Ramessu XII., 131, 340.
Ran, 142.
Rany, 173.
Rapeam, 257.
Rathos, 25-29.
Ratothis, 25-29.
Rauserkheper, 257.
Rekhmara, 133, 142.
Relationships of XVIIth dyn.,
i 3 333-
Remenen (Lebanon), f ii6, 120.
Restoration after Hyksos war,
36.
Restorations of Medinet Habu,
131.
Rhind, labels from tomb, 139,
'43-
Rhind, toilet box, 161.
Ring of Aah'hotep, 9.
,, Tahutmes III., 100.
Tahutmes IV., 171.
,, Amenhotep III., 195.
,, Smenkh'ka'ra, 234.
Mertaten, 234.
,, Tutankhamen, 236, 238.
,, Ankhsenaten, 237.
,, Nezem'mut, 250.
,, Silver from Syria, 117.
Rock tablets of Tell el Amarna,
222.
Roy, A, 126; B, 342 ; C, 256.
Rudua, 228.
Ruten, 62, 101, 102, 112, 114,
115, 118, 122, 133, 156, 157,
235-
SA-AMEN, 35, 42-44, 333, 334,
o 338, 339-
Sa'ast, A, 34 ; B, 201.
Sakedenu, 142.
Samanurika, 181.
Samut, 20 1.
Sangar, 102, 116, 123, 124, 181,
o I95 '.
Sa-pa'ir, 3, 34, 43, 44, 333, 334.
Sat "amen, dau. Amenhotep I., 3,
34> 38, 42, 43 333
334-
dau. Amenhotep III.,
o L S9t 77> 205^
Satharna, 181, 203.
Sat'hora, 100, 145.
Sat'ir-bau, 7, 13, 334.
Satiu, 155, 311.
Sat-kames, 34, 42, 43, 334, 338,
339-
Safra,95.
Scarabs, figured of Aahmes, 36.
,, AahotepIL,
,, ,, Amenmes,
n Nebta, 57.
,, Tahutmes I,,
" ,, NefeniYa,
78.
INDEX
35*
Scarabs, figured , of Hatshepsut,
94.
,, Tahutmes
III., 114,
140, 145.
,, Amenhotep,
II., 162.
,, Tahutmes
IV., 171.
,, ,, Amenhotep,
in., 195-
,, Amenhotep
IV., 210,
' A ^
Ay, 242.
,, Horemheb,
251.
Scarabs with double cartouches,
Ichoo
School of music and dancing 1 ,
222.
Scribes, group of, 228.
Sebekhotep, officials, A, 68 ; B,
Sebekmes, 201.
Sebeknekht, A, 69 ; B, 201.
Sed festivals, 31-33.
Sekhentnebra, i, 2, 3, 7, 9, 16,
Sekhefam, 157, 181.
Sektu, 1 1 8.
Semnefer, 69.
Semneh, 35, 67, 136.
Seniu, 339.
Senekhtenra, 10.
Senemaah, 46.
Senmen, 38, 341.
Senmut, 78, 88.
statues, 89, 341.
Sen'nefer, 142, 163.
Sensenb, i, 46, 57.
figure of, 58.
Seqenenra I., 4, 5.
Seqenenra II. , 4, 7.
Seqenenra III., i, 2
Serenyk, 181.
Sesu, 258.
3:
_.*
Berl
4> 335-
333, 334, 339*
4, 7,
339*
type,
Set, official, 142.
Setet, 181.
Sety I., 26-29, 38, Si J 3i 223,
340.
tomb of, 337.
Shabaka, 169.
Sharhana (Sharuhen), 22, 35,
104.
Shasu, 73, 121, 181.
Shemeshatuma, 155.
Sheshenq I., 190.
Shields from Syria, 120.
Shooting at a target, 166.
Si, 144.
Siege of Megiddo, 108.
Simyra, 102, 114, 311.
Sirius festivals, 31-33.
Sitatama, 181.
Sledges for drawing stone,
37-
Smenkh'ka'ra, 25-29, 219, 221,
229, 231.
,, monuments, 233.
Smensheps, 172.
Soldiers, figured, 85.
oppression by, 251.
Sons of chiefs taken to Egypt,
114.
Sotep'en'ra, 207, 232.
Spear head of Kames, 14.
Speos Artemidos, inscription,
19, 81.
Sphinx tablet of Tahutmes IV.,
1 66.
Staff with human head, in.
Stand for sacred bark, 138.
Sunuga, 181.
Suta, 228, 308.
Sutekh, worship of, 17.
Suten du hotep formula, 38, 40,
95, 202, 218,
257-
, , offering made by
king, 172.
Sutharna, 181, 203.
Suti, 228, 308.
Sy/ia, Egyptian remains in,
145, 157, 188.
,, high civilisation of, 146*
,, loss of, 259-319.
INDEX
Syrian influence on Egypt, 145-
152, 181.
marriages, 181.
Syrians brought to Egypt, 22,
23, 62, 109-125, 147, 185, 229.
TA, 342.
Ta-aa, 164.
Taanaka, 105*
Tables, inlaid, m.
Tables of families, i , 3, 54.
,, dynasties, 4, 25-29.
Tadukhipa, 181, 183, 187, 207,
310.
Taharqa, 131.
Tahennu, 48, 101, 157, 181.
Tahured, 68.
Tahuti, officials, A, 342 ; B, 68 ;
C, 95 ; D, 142 ; E, 142.
Tahuti'nefer, 341.
Tahuti sena, 68.
Tahutmes I., i, 25-30, 46, 54,
55, 85.
festival, 32.
monuments, 59,
6 5- . ^
,, coronation, 60.
,, history, 61.
head of, 63.
mummy, 64, 339.
officials of, 68.
,, family, 69.
Tahutmes II., 25-29, 54, 55, 61,
333-
. ,, monuments, 72.
mummy, 74, 338,
339-
portrait, 75.
,, head of coffin,
75
Tahutmes III., 25-33, 50, 54, 55,
56, 61, 72.
festival, 32.
descent of, 78.
monuments, 97,
126.
family v 99, 143.
,, dated events,
100.
annals, 103.
Tahutmes III., portraits of, 102,
i37t *3 S -
,, obelisks of, 132,
*34-
,, a great builder,
. '3 6 - , r
,, in cuneiform,
308.
,, list of towns,
320.
mummy, 339.
Tahutmes IV., 25-29, 54, 56.
monuments, 165.
portrait of, 168.
scarabs of fr 171.
offering t6
Osiris, 172.
marriage, 181.
in cuneiform,
308.
Tahutmes, son of Tahutmes IV.,
171.
Tahutmes, son of Amenhotep
III., 203.
Tahutmes, officials, A, 45 ; B,
142, 201 ; C, 201.
Tair, 35, 43, 334.
Takheta, 100, 144.
Takhetaui, 100, 144.
Takhisi, 124, 156.
Takhredqa, 7, 13, 334.
Tanai, 123.
Ta'nezemt, 46.
Tank of Amenhotep III., i&$
Tares, 181.
Target, shooting at, 166.
Tarobenika, 181.
Tarosina, 181.
Tartar, 181.
Taui, 100, 144.
Tayuhert, 340.
Tell el Amarna, 205, 210, etc.,
221, 251.
,, cuneiform tablets,
_ ,_
Temahu, 48.
Tenfhapi, 35, 43, 339.
Teta'an, Hyksos, 23, 36.
Tetamerenptah, 257.
Tethmosis, 25-29.
INDEX
353
Thenau, 173.
Thenfnub, 39.
Thenuna, 164, 171.
Thmosis, 25-29.
Throw-stick of Thuau, 6.
Thuau, son of Seqenenra T., 5,
6.
Thuna, 172.
. Thuthu, 239, 242.
Tita, 181.
Tombs, inspection of, 5, 7, 15,
48, 337-.
Touthmosis, 25-29.
Tugay, 144.
Tunep, 101, 103, 109, 113, 122,
181, 31 1.
Turo, 67.
Turrah quarry, 36, 37, 188.
Turs, 35, 42, 333, 334.
Tursu, 181.
Tutankhamen, 25-29, 32, 222,
223, 232.
., monuments,
,, portrait, 236.
., inscription, 237.
Tutu, 229, 308.
Ty, 226, 242.
,, portrait, 239, 240.
Tyi, 176, 187, 192, 202, 209,
portrait of, 182.
origin of, 182.
influence of, 183.
reigned alone, 203, 207.
family, 204.
in cuneiform, 308.
Tyuti, 39.
UAAY, TOO, 145.
Uazifrenpitu, 90.
Uazmes, pr., 7, 13, 46, 333, 334.
,, nursed by Paheri, 52.
,, temple of, 57, 65.
,, official, 39.
Uaz'shemsu, 69.
Unfinished state of monuments,
158.
Unnef, 38.
Unnefer, 39.
User, 142.
Useramen, 100, 140.
Userhat, A, 68 ; B, 142; C,
201.
Usertesen I., head of, 149.
VASKS, with contents marked,
57. 39-
,, from Syria, brought by
captives,
in.
,, ,, of copper,
113-
,, ,, with goat's
head, 1 16,
1 18.
., of glass and stone, 139,
! WAN, 124.
; Wand, of ivory, 70.
j ,, human-headed, 111.
i Wawat, 102, 115, 117, r 1 8,
1 121-3, 168.
I Women, group of, 219.
,, brought into Egypt
(see Syrians).
Workmanship, rapid, 87.
VANKHAMA, 185.
i Yatibiri, 185, 310.
i Yehem, 104.
: Yenuamu (Inuamma), no, 311.
j ,, man of, 182. *
! Yeruza, 104, 311.
j ZAHI (Phoenicia), 35, .101, 102,
113, 117, 118, 119, 120.
Zalu, 101, 103, 184, 252.
Zamara (see Simyra).
Zamerkau, 39.
Zanunif 142, 171.
Zay, head of, 149.
Zed*ptah'auf*ankh, 340.
Zefta, 105,
1123
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